BPSE - 212

12th Part

Q.  Critically examine the nexus between bureaucrats, politicians &businessmen.

A.  After India gained independence Democratic Socialist or Nehruvian model of the economy was adopted. It is the mixed economic model where Public sector Units were the basis while the Private sector also survived under the protective umbrella of the state. While key infrastructure sectors like road, electricity, ports, etc were under the public sector while government permission or license was required for every small and big thing necessary for setting up a business for the private sector. This had a cascading impact as -

1. License Raj - The license to do business was responsible for the increase in corruption as the discretionary power rested with the bureaucrat who could grant the license against favors granted by the concerned businessman. Alternately, the bureaucrat also had the power to withhold the permission on the concerned party’s refusal to please the government official. Very often, the bureaucrat and the political boss to whom he reported shared in the spoils, as the ultimate sanctioning authority was the politician. This was the genesis of the notorious ‘Licence-Permit-Quota Raj’ which in about 20-30 years from independence completely derailed India’s socialist pattern of development. The planning process, the mixed economy, all got off track because of the immensely powerful and corrupt troika of the officer-politician-businessman often contemptuously described as the “Babu-Neta-Bania’ syndrome. The corruption among the nexus was responsible for the exploitation of natural resources, an increase in the divide between the rich and the poor, nepotism and many other social ills besides ruining the economy. 

2. Corruption and Rich-Poor Divide - The nexus resulted in an increase in corruption in all government departments as accountability towards people was absent. There was an increase in nepotism. Due to the policies adopted there was the accumulation of power and money in the hands of few. This resulted in the growth of a divide between rich who had the resources to pay and influence decisions and the poor who were at the mercy of the system. This led to widespread poverty as a large section of the population was illiterate and oblivious of their rights. The system slowly became completely ineffective and inefficient. The welfare policies initiated by the government failed to reach the people and they could not benefit as the money allocated is swindled by corrupt officials. Due to corruption the infrastructure created was also of poor quality thus Indian economy faltered. 

3. The politicization of Bureaucracy - Due to the sharing of money accumulated through corruption the ministers and bureaucrats in India enjoyed a highly mutually beneficial relationship based on a quid pro quo basis. This relationship was based on mutual exchange of favors between the two. The net result of all this has been a highly politicized bureaucracy. The officers who did not participate in corrupt practices faced many hardships like transfer or demotion. This further made the system inefficient and ineffective as political loyalty and political patronage became a necessity. Plum postings were offered to those bureaucrats who toe the line of their political bosses, while those who insisted on following an independent line based on professional opinion were punished. The punishment took the form of arbitrary transfers, postings to insignificant departments and in some cases, even suspension from service. A system of rewards and punishments got institutionalized in due course of time with civil servants being rewarded and punished on the basis of their loyalty and commitment to politicians or parties and not on the basis of their professional performance. Over a period of time, the resultant politician-bureaucrat nexus grew into a powerful force immensely benefiting both the parties, but spelling a blow to the concept of development and citizen-friendly administration. 

              Thus the politician-bureaucrat-businessman combine led to corruption, nepotism, stagnant economic growth, lack of accountability and thus increased poverty. The license raj was instrumental in increasing corruption in the bureaucracy.

Q.  Discuss the characteristics of the Dalit movement in India during the 1970s-1980s.

A.   This period between 1970-1980 is the second stage of the Dalit movement in post-independent India. The reasons for the rise of the Dalit movement during the 1970s and 1980s include the rise of a new generation of Dalits which were more articulate and conscious of their rights, explosion of mass media and impact of the ideas and life of Dr. B R Ambedkar. 

          This phase was marked by the combination of class and caste struggles. In the rural areas of West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh the naxalite movement launched a struggle against the caste and class exploitation. In the cities of Bombay and Pune, the Dalit Panther launched a similar kind of movement. 

Dalit Panther Movement

         An educated group of dalits who were writers and poets set up an organization in two major cities of Maharashtra known as Dalit Panther in 1972. These dalits were Influenced by Amedkarism, Marxism and Negro literature and they aimed at rejecting the caste system which according to them was based on the Brahmincal Hinduism. Spreading their ideas through the media and communication network, through the discussions and debate in the public space, i.e., offices, houses, tea shops, public libraries, Dalit writes, and poets provided the critique of the Hindu caste system and exploitative economic system. The activists of Dalit Panther belonged to the first generation educated youth, whose parents were poor peasants and laborers, who had inherited the legacy of Ambedkar movement. 

            Initially, the movement proclaimed to have an alliance of exploited people like Dalits, backward classes, workers and peasants. Its program centered around the problems of women, rejection of Brahaminical principles of purity and pollution, and fight against all kinds of political and economic exploitation. In the tradition of Ambedakarism, they aimed at achieving political power. This movement grows in the wake of the failure of the Republican Movement of the 1970s which suffered because of the personality differences of its leadership. The Dalit Panther could not make an alliance of all exploited continue for long. It got divided between the Ambedkarites and Marxists.

Naxalite Movement - It was only in the late 1960s that dalits of central Bihar were initiated into the political movement. But it was not the exclusively on the caste lines rather it was on the mix of caste and class exploitation. In Bihar, there seemed to one to one relationship between caste and class to a considerable extent. The landlords formed their caste senas (private armies) in order to protect their class interests. The Dalits got organized there on the caste and class lines. Dalit mobilization in Bihar got momentum again in the 1980s following the spade of attacks by the private army of the landlords such as Bhoomi Sena (of the Kurmis) or Lorik Sena ( of the Rajputs) on dalits. In reaction to this, the laborers formed Lal Sena to violently attack the gangs of landlords. By 1985 a section of this naxalite group formed a public front called The Indian Peoples Front (IPF) and contested elections. This showed a change in the perspective of the Naxalite groups which changed from an emphasis on the agrarian revolution to taking state power.

Dalit movement in Karnataka

In Karnataka also dalits organized into the Dalit Sanghasrsh Samiti (DSS). It was an organization that was set up in 1973 and set up its units in most districts of Karnataka. Like Bihar, it also took up caste and class issues and attempted to build an alliance of diverse groups of the exploited classes. It also brought dalits of different persuasions – Marxism, socialism, Ambedkarism, etc, under the banner of a single organization. During 1974 and 1784 it took up the issues relating to wages of the agricultural laborers, devdasi and reservation. It held study groups to discuss the problems of dalits.

Q.  Discuss the major differences between the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy.

A.   Fundamental Rights - are described as the basic rights guaranteed to every citizen of the country under the constitution that helps in the proper and balanced development of personality. These are written in Part III of the Constitution which ensures civil liberty to all the citizens so that they can lead their lives peacefully. Moreover, they also prevent the State from intruding on their freedom. Fundamental Rights apply to all the citizens of the country equally, regardless of their race, caste, creed, sex, place of birth, religion, etc. Violation of the fundamental rights may lead to punishment under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) based on the discretion of the judiciary. At present, the Indian Constitution recognizes seven fundamental rights, they are:

# Right to Equality

# Right to freedom

# Right to freedom of religion

# Right against exploitation

# Cultural and Educational Rights

# Right to constitutional remedies

# Right to privacy

Directive Principles Of State Policy - Directive Principles of State Policy are the instructions given to the central and state government of the country so as to refer them while formulating the laws and policies and to ensure a just society. The principles are embodied in Part IV and listed in article 36 to 51 of the constitution. Directive Principles are cannot be enforced in the court of law. However, these are recognized as important in the governance of the State. These principles aim at creating such a socio-economic environment that can help the citizens to live a good life. Further, the directive principles also gauge the performance of government, concerning the objectives achieved by it.

Some other differences

# Fundamental rights are negative in nature in the sense that it prevents the government from doing certain things. In contrast, Directive Principles are positive, as it requires the government to do certain things. 

# While fundamental rights establish political democracy, directive principles set social and economic democracy.

# Fundamental Rights are legal sanctions. They do not require any legislation for their implementation rather they are automatically enforced. But directive principles are moral and political sanctions and hence they require legislation for their implementation.

# Fundamental Rights promote the welfare of the individual. Hence they are personal and individualistic. On the contrary, Directive Principles promote the welfare of the community as a whole.

# The courts are bound to declare a law violative of any of the fundamental rights as unconstitutional and invalid. But the court can not declare a law violative of any of the directive principles as unconstitutional and invalid. 

Q.  Explain the special provisions for Jammu and Kashmir in the Constitution of India.

A.  The whole state of Jammu and Kashmir enjoys a special status among the states in India under Article 370 of the Constitution. This state enjoys a special position because of the special circumstances under which it was brought under the governance of the Union of India. Special provisions were devised for the governance of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. These were incorporated in Article 370 of the Constitution. According to the provisions of this article, the state of Jammu and Kashmir was given a separate Constituent Assembly. It consisted of the representatives of people of the state. The aim of the Constituent Assembly was to write the constitution of the state and demarcate the jurisdiction of the Union of India over the state of Jammu and Kashmir. 

             The provisions of the Constituent Assembly were applied as interim arrangements. No law passed by the Parliament regarding the state of Jammu and Kashmir can be applied to the state without the Order of President of India in concurrence of the state government. No such conditions exist in the case of other states. In the original Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, the provisions of Article 370 were described as temporary measures. Some of the  important provisions of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir can be summarized as follows :

i) The territory of Jammu and Kashmir consists of all those areas which were under the sovereignty of erstwhile ruler. These areas include that territory which is at present under the occupation of Pakistan.

ii) Out of 123 assembly seats of Jammu and Kashmir, 25 seats are allotted to the Pakistan occupied portion of Kashmir that remain vacant because the situation is unsuitable for the election there.

iii) Though the executive and legislative powers of the State government cover the entire state, yet these powers do not apply to those areas which come under the jurisdiction of Parliament;

iv) The permanent residents" of Jammu and Kashmir enjoy all rights which are guaranteed in the Constitution of the Country.

v) A majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of the house can amend the Constitution by passing a bill. But the bill can not make the changes in provisions relating to the relationship between the state and the Union.

Q.  Discuss the role of caste in Indian politics.

A.    The numerical strength of a group is important in a democratic polity. All the Jatis or castes do not have equal numerical strength and spread in a geographical region like the village, the cluster of villages, taluka or district. A few are very large, some are small and some are minuscule. Some are concentrated in a village taluka and some are scattered in four to five households in a village.                              Numerically large Jatis have an edge over others in political bargaining with the government and political parties. Castes confined to endogamous character alone cannot muster a very large number at district levels and beyond for political activities. Some of the leaders of such Jatis form caste associations called Sabha or Sangam consisting of a cluster of Jatis having similar social ranking in a region. A few caste associations also consist of multi -castes having different social rankings in the traditional order. They may be called caste federation. Similarly, several castes join together and launch political movements. Non-Brahmin movements in Tamilnadu and Maharashtra are examples of such combined efforts of different castes coming together. 

           Political parties accommodate certain castes in distributing party tickets. While nominating candidates parties take into consideration caste of the aspirant candidate and numerical strength of different castes in a constituency. Caste leaders also mobilized their followers on caste lines so that they could show their strength. The role of caste in elections has two dimensions. One is of the parties and candidates and the second is of the voters. The former seeks the support of the voters projecting themselves as champions of particular social and economic interests, the latter while exercising their vote in favor of one party or candidate keep caste consideration in mind. Caste has provided an institutional mechanism to the poor and traditionally deprived groups for political participation.

                 Caste has been politicized to pursue economic and social rather than ritual concerns of the members. In that sense, it is a democratic incarnation of caste. But this process has reached an impasse and caught into a vicious circle. Political leaders use caste consciousness for mobilization but do not pursue vigorously, economic and social problems that the majority members of the caste face. The caste framework has its own limitations and It is divisive and hierarchical.

Q.  Examine the notion of judicial review in India.

A.   The notion of judicial review means the revision of the decree or sentence of an inferior court by a superior court. Judicial review has a more technical significance in pubic law, particularly in countries having a written constitution, founded on the concept of limited government. Judicial review, in this case, means that Courts of law have the power of testing the validity of legislative as well as other governmental action with reference to the provisions of the constitution. The Supreme Court’s power of judicial review extends to constitutional amendments as well as to other actions of the legislatures, the executive and the other governmental agencies. However, judicial review has been particularly significant and contentious in regard to constitutional amendments. Under Article 368, constitutional amendments could be made by the Parliament. But Article 13 provides that the state shall not make any law which takes away or abridges fundamental rights and that any law made in contravention with this rule shall be void. According to SC, the constitutional amendment is law but if that amendment violated any of the fundamental rights, it can be declared unconstitutional.

              In 1967, SC observed that all former amendments that violated the fundamental rights to property were found to be unconstitutional. When a law remains in force for a long time, it establishes itself and is observed by the society. If all past amendments are declared invalid, the number of transactions that took place in pursuance of those amendments become unsettled. This will lead to chaos in the economic and political system. In order to avoid this situation and for the purpose of maintaining the transactions in fact, the past amendments were held valid. The Supreme Court clarified that no future transactions or amendments contrary to fundamental rights shall be valid. This technique of treating old transactions valid and future ones invalid is called prospective over-ruling. The Court also held that Article 368 with amendments does not contain the power to amend the constitution, but only prescribes the procedure to amend. 

           In 1973 the Supreme Court ruled that while the parliament could amend even the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution, it was not competent to alter the basic structure or framework of the constitution. Under the newly evolved doctrine of the basic structure, a constitutional amendment is valid only when it does not affect the basic structure of the constitution. One of the limits on judicial review has been the principle of locus standi. This means that only a person aggrieved by administrative action or by an unjust provision of law shall have the right to move the court for redressal.

Q)  Constituent Assembly - The Constituent Assembly, consisting of indirectly elected representatives, was established to draft a constitution for India. The Assembly was not elected on the basis of universal adult suffrage, and Muslims and Sikhs received special representation as minorities. The total membership of the Constituent Assembly was 389 of which 292 were representatives of the states, 93 represented the princely states and four were from the chief commissioner provinces. The Constituent Assembly (elected for an undivided India) met for the first time on 9 December 1946, reassembling on 14 August 1947 as a sovereign body and successor to the British parliament's authority in India and its last session was held on 24 January 1950.

Q)   Meaning of Liberalization - Liberalization primarily means the removal of controls and regulations at various levels of the economy facilitating market forces to determine its course and direction. Liberalization means rule of law, political rights, accountability of power, periodic elections, a multi-party system, and an impartial judiciary. These conditions are seen as holding public authority transparent and under scrutiny. liberalization proclaims freedom of trade and investment; creation of free trade areas; elimination of government controls on the allocation of resources in the domestic economy; progressive removal of restrictions on external trade and payments; expansion of foreign investment, loans and aid and rapid technological progress. Liberalization also advocates a balanced budget; reduction in progressive taxation, social security and welfare and a diminished role for the state in economic management. It does not favor subsidies and state protection and resource allocations through administrative means. It suggests that inefficiency, corruption, and mismanagement are built into regimes with excessive state control.

BPSE - 212

11th Part

Block -7 (Unit - 29)

Q. Evaluate the political impact of globalization.

A.  a)  It is argued that the great expansion of liberal democracy worldwide would not have been possible without the promises of globalization.

b) Globalization has strengthened accountability and transparency of power and led to good governance.

c) It has greatly limited the power of the nation-state. Opponents of the ruling government and the disadvantaged groups have access today to a wider world. In fact, several dissident voices and advocacy groups have effectively made use of globalization to advance their concerns. This has helped in pressurizing govt to

safeguard human rights violations.

d) There are new institutions of governance today at various levels for exm. Panchayati raj system. It led to the decentralization of power and empowered people at the grass-root.

e) Globalisation has affected class relations enormously. There is a shift of power to capital and to the developed world and transfer of decision making to an alliance of international financial organizations and corporate capital. There is a decline in the power of the organized working class.

f) Globalization has led to the migration of people in search of livelihood. At the same time, it has created a pool of migrant and local labor at the bottom of the labor market.

g) Globalization has led to the explosion of ethnic and community identities and the renewal of fundamentalism.

h) Globalization has reinforced inequalities within and between nations in terms of access to information and knowledge. They have created new social categories of 'information-rich' and information poor'. There are a group of ppl who have access to

technology and can benefit from it while a large section doesn’t have this technology.

i) The reigning ideology under globalization stresses on market freedom, private property,, and accumulation of wealth. It has little respect for alternative ideology. At the same time, globalization has led to the formation of a hierarchical world presided over by the US and global capital.

j) There has emerged an interesting coalition of the traditional 'left', as opposed to global corporate capital and the 'right' defending national culture. Globalization has led to the rise of new social movements that do not fall within the vortex of traditional class movements, such as women, peasants, ethnic communities, displaced people, etc.

Q. Comment on the cultural impact of globalization in India.

A. a) Globalisation has facilitated a phenomenal growth in the global circulation of cultural goods. They include printed matter, music, visual arts, cinema and photography, radio and television. These have the power to influence the ethnic cultures of India and can not be controlled. The ownership of these goods is concentrated in the hands of media corporations. Indian govt. have little control over them as they are dominated by transnational corporations such as Time Warner, Disney, Viacom, Telecommunications Inc., New Corporation, Sony, Seagram, General electronic, Dutch Philips, etc.

b)  Under globalization, there has been a great expansion of western and particularly American culture in India. There has been a great imbalance between cultural flows. There are frequent accusations of western cultural imposition and domination that has been widely heard. Cultures have become vulnerable. eg. vernacular languages in India which are facing the onslaught of the popular language which is circulated through mass media. However, the extent of domination of the western culture and the ability of the local cultures to contest it has been a debated issue.

c) The English language has emerged as a preferred language of communication within India and between global organizations and institutions. It has facilitated the inflow of western goods and services into India.

d) It is interesting to note that in spite of globalization certain institutions such as the press, television, national broadcasting are still reflected the national and the cultural ethos. Govt has also taken initiatives to support and popularize vernacular languages and culture. Debates, public discussions, and literary festivals are officially organized in vernacular languages and cultural festivals are organized to support ethnic culture.

e)  Globalization led to extensive migrations of people both within & across states. This strengthens the fabric of cultural pluralism as people from distinct backgrounds, cultures, and states merge together which confronts the tendencies for cultural domination.

Q. Comment on the Economic impact of globalization.

A. I) It has been beneficial to consumers. Due to globalization consumers have got value for money. The quality and quantity of goods are far better and caters to the needs of every strata of the population.

Ii)  It has released huge unutilized resources that would have otherwise gone unnoticed. This led to great economic recovery worldwide.

iii)  It has resulted in the opening of the economy, undermined bureaucracy, reduced monopoly of PSU and less control or intervention by govt. This has led to a spurt in entrepreneurship and a knowledge-based industry.

iv) It has introduced a great deal of flexibility in comparison to the rigidity that prevailed under the welfare regime and state control. There is now more flexibility in terms of production, work processes, labor markets, production, education, patterns of

consumption, savings, etc.

v) It has introduced and increased the process of mergers and acquisitions of enterprises, promising a global economic order of both scale and quality.

vi) Globalization has tightened the rules of the game while at the same time introducing flexibility. Within the nation-states, liberalization has enhanced fiscal discipline.

vii) Globalization has greatly facilitated the movement of capital and goods. This has reduced the dependence of developing countries on bilateral and multilateral agencies such as the IMF and world bank. They can make their options today for FDIs or have access to global capital markets to raise money.

viii) For several developing countries like India globalization has been instrumental in helping to upgrade their technology and get access to the global markets to sell their products.

ix) Globalization has led to the appreciation of several technological innovations that closed societies may not have encouraged.

x) Globalization has linked communities and cultures throughout the world.

Q. Comment on the response of the Indian state towards globalization.

A.  In the beginning the response of the Indian govt. to the larger measures of liberalization continued to be lukewarm and hesitant. The Indian economy was in a major crisis of repayment in 1991, with reserves of $1 billion, which forced the govt to take steps that started the integration of the Indian economy into the global economy. The economic reforms, Liberalization, Privatization, and Globalization (LPG model) as they were called aimed at making the Indian economy fastest growing economy and globally. It involved the following major changes in policy:

Trade policy reform: Earlier there were qualitative and quantitative restrictions on the import of goods. The trader needs to obtain a license for the import of goods. The reforms led to the dismantling of the license system for the import of goods. Except for consumer

goods non-tariff barriers were phased out.

Industrial Policy Reform: It led to the abolition of the industrial licensing system for all sectors except for a few specified industries like defense, nuclear energy, etc. Mergers and acquisitions were encouraged, and restrictions on investment by large industrial houses were abolished.

Devaluation: To solve the balance of payment problem Indian currency was devalued by 18 to 19%.

Exchange rate reform: The rupee was devalued in 1991. Partial convertibility of the rupee was done in 1992-93 and full convertibility on the current account in 1994.

Disinvestment: To make the LPG model smooth, many of the public sectors were sold to the private sector.

Capital market reform: These were undertaken by setting up the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).

NRI Scheme: The facilities which were available to foreign investors were also given to NRI's.

Financial Reforms: Private sector banks including foreign joint venture banks came to be permitted to undertake and expand their operations. A new policy was also introduced for private non-banking finance companies to operate in the market.

                The government has attempted to build in competition in sectors where hitherto the public sector enjoyed a monopoly. It had thrown open the insurance sector for market competition. The private sector which earlier enjoyed state patronage was thrown open for competition. Govt initiated the process of disinvestment and removed tariffs on a large number of items in accordance

with its agreement with the WTO.

Q. Define Liberalization.

A.  In the context of globalization, liberalization primarily means the removal of controls and regulations at various levels of the economy. It means facilitating the market forces to determine its course and direction. It favors a competitive market solution to

economic issues and a reduced role for the state in economic management. It also means accountability of power, periodic elections, a multi-party system, and an impartial and independent judiciary. 

       Govt functioning should be transparent, responsive and can be scrutinized. liberalization proclaims freedom of trade & investment; creation of free trade areas; elimination of government controls on the allocation of resources in the domestic economy; progressive removal of restrictions on external trade and payments; expansion of foreign investment, loans and aid and rapid technological progress. Liberalization also advocates a balanced budget; fiscal discipline, reduction in progressive taxation, social security and welfare and a diminished role for the state in economic management. It does not favor subsidies and state protection and resource allocations through administrative means.

Q. What are the main challenges to secularism? Explain.

A.  Some of the challenges are -

Politics - All major political parties do not subscribe to the ideals of secularism. These parties have repeatedly created the wedge among different religious communities by the exploitation of communal fears and sensibilities of the electorate. The cynical use of religion was perfected into an electoral strategy in the 1980s by parties leading to disastrous consequences. The political parties commitment to pluralism soon degenerated into politics of vote banks where only the numerical strength of the majority & the minority community mattered for electoral purposes. The sharpening of social and economic conflicts and the intensifying environmental degradation robbed the ordinary people of their livelihoods creating discontentment among the masses. 

            To tackle this problem and divert attention from its own governance failure, Congress party in 1980 adopted majoritarian politics which was a complete reversal of its historical role as the principal adversary of communalism. Congress thus adopted a strategy of downplaying broader social issues and decided to make a direct appeal to the majority community. The strategy was to define the Indian nation increasingly in terms of the majority community thus preparing the grounds for communal politics that took the form of cultural nationalism. Thus, instead of responding to popular discontent and demands, an attempt was made to foist

another set of issues by involving sentiments and feelings that engender communally attitudes.

The Nature of Capitalist Development - Decades of development have not altered the deeply uneven nature of Indian society; uneven capitalist development has actually heightened the social tensions. Given the limited nature of opportunities that are available, politics and ideology promoting narrow and exclusivist interests direct this social tension against the minorities. It is indeed a fact that conditions of life have worsened and alienation has increased, the dissatisfaction that people feel over the increasing gulf between the rich and the poor instead of being articulated through democratic struggles is being channelized into religious revivalism. Hence it is clear that the secular state, its structures and secular politics itself are today severely challenged by the growing forces of communalism that have its roots in various social, political, historical, economic and electoral factors.

Q.  Secularism in Constitution.

A.  Relevant constitutional provisions pertaining to secularism

Fundamental Rights

Article 14: Equality before law.

Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.

Article 16: Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment.

Article 19: Protection of certain rights regarding freedom of speech, etc.

Article 21: Protection of life and personal property.

Article 25: Freedom of conscience and free profession, practice and propagation of religion.

Article 26: Freedom to manage religious affairs.

Article 27: Freedom as to payment of taxes for promotion of any particular religion.

Article 28: Freedom as to attendance at religious instruction or religious worship in certain educational institutions.

Article 29: Protection of interests of minorities.

Article 30: Right of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions.

Directive Principles of State Policy

Article 44: Uniform civil code for the citizens.

Article 48: Organization of agriculture and animal husbandry.

Article 51A: Fundamental duties

Clause (e): to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; and to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women.

Clause (f): to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture.

Preamble:

42nd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1976 inserted the word ‘secular’ in the Preamble of the Constitution.

Q. Discuss the impact of reservation on social change and equality in India.

A.      The Constitution of India makes provisions for affirmative action or protective discrimination. In principle, the protective discrimination policy is one of the most important instruments for promoting social justice. These policies have provided an opportunity for a large section of society to participate in the decision-making process & become an integral part of the structure of governance. The emergence of a substantial middle class among the OBCs and to a certain extent among the Scheduled Castes and Tribes has been a major development of the post-independence period. Apart from job reservation, reservations in the educational institutions have also provided opportunities to the candidates

belonging to these groups.

               Articles 14, 15 (1) and 16(1) of the Constitution establish

the equality principle, Articles 15(4) and 16(4) incorporate the principle of social justice. If Article 14 proclaims equality before the law and equal protection of the law, Article 15(1) prohibits discrimination on grounds of race, caste, sex, religion or place of birth. Article 16(1) further provides equality of opportunity to all. The protective discrimination clauses of Article 15(4) and 16(4) become decisive with regard to the protection of rights of socially and economically deprived groups of the hierarchical system. These Articles follow the different principles leading to social justice.

                The abolition of Zamindari and the introduction of new

agricultural technology altered the class-caste structure in rural areas wherein the middle caste and backward castes maximized the benefits of the changes in their favor. As a consequence, they emerged as a visible force in the rural power structure, which enforced their significance in the political arena of the state. In many parts of the country, the backward castes emerged as dominant players in politics. The political assertion combined with the growing economic power of the backward castes has a direct bearing on the agenda of social justice and the politics of reservation.

BPSE - 212

10th Part

Block-6 (Unit -28)

Q. Describe the worker's movement in colonial times.

A. The modern working class made its appearance in India in the second half of the 19th century with the growth of modern industries, railways, post and telegraph network, plantation and mining. But the labor movement started in an organized way only after the Second World War. The organized workers’ unions are known as trade unions. The All India Trade Union Congress (A I T U C) was formed in 1920. Its objective was to coordinate activities of all organizations in all the provinces of India to further the interests of the Indian labor in economic, social and political matters. In the second half of the 1920s, there was a consolidation of left ideological forces in the country. In1928 the left-wing including the communists succeeded in acquiring a dominant position inside the A I T U C. The moderates started a new organization known as All India Trade Union Federation (AITUF). The 1930s was not a favorable period for the growth of trade union movement India. 

         The communists were implicated in the Meerut Conspiracy case and the Bombay Textiles strike of 1929 had failed. There was a lull in the activities of trade unions during this time. The serious economic depression of this period added to the woes of the workers further. It led to large-scale retrenchment. The main focus of the trade union movements during this period was maintaining wages and preventing retrenchment. To press for their demands, the trade unions resorted to strikes.

              The main issues which caused the worker's strikes to include wages, bonus, working hours, one day leave, accidental insurance, etc. The workers take recourse to various types of collective actions for getting their problems redressed. These are – strikes, satyagraha, hunger strikes, bandhs and hartals, gheraos, demonstrations, mass casual leaves, work to rule, cutting off the supply of electricity, etc. The most common form of workers’ collective action is the strike. There are examples of the railway, jute, plantation, mine and textiles workers strikes in the pre-Independence period. The centers of the strikes were Nagpur, Ahemadabad, Bombay, Madras, Howrah, and Calcutta. In 1920 Gandhi intervened in the strike the textile workers of Ahmedabad

and provided leadership to the workers.

Q. Describe workers movement in Independent India.

A. The National Level - The high hopes of workers were shattered after independence. There was hardly any improvement on the fronts of better wages and other service conditions. The workers had to struggle hard even to retain what they had achieved earlier. A series of strikes stirred the country. There were the highest number of strikes in 1947, i.e., 1811 strikes which involved 1840 thousand workers. The number of strikes and man-days lost had surpassed all the previous records. This declined in the 1950s, but the number of strikes and lockouts increased again in the 1960s-1970s. Another important development of the time period was the affiliation of workers with political parties led trade unions.                              According to the provisional figures released by the Chief Labour Commissioner in 1994 Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) which is an affiliate of BJP has acquired a total membership of 31.17 lakh workers has secured the top position. The INTUC a Congress affiliated body with a total membership of 27.06 lakh is on the second position. The third position is enjoyed by CITU affiliated to CPM with a total membership of 17.98 lakh. The fourth position is enjoyed by HMS(The Praja Socialist Party started the Hind Mazdoor Sabha (HMS) in 1948)

The Provincial Levels

Another remarkable development of the 1960s was the birth of trade unions of the regional parties like the DMK and AIDMK in Madras. The Shiv Sena was born in Bombay in 1967. It soon set up its labor wing called Bharatiya Kamgar Sena. It was generally believed that the Shiv Sena had the backing of the industrial houses in the Bombay -Pune belt to counter the strong influence of the Communists and Socialists in labor unions. It succeeded in achieving this objective and its trade union established its supremacy in the Bombay region by the mid -the 1970s.

The Trade Unions without Political Affiliations

The 1960s also witnessed the emergence of independent unions or “apolitical”. They were independent in the sense that they were not affiliated with any political party or federation. These kinds of “apolitical” trade unions emerged out of the dissatisfaction of the workers with the existing trade unions which were affiliated to the political parties. The leadership of these unions has largely come from the educated middle classes. Engineering Mazdoor Sabha led by R J Mehta is one of the earliest unions of this type. The demands of the workers included higher wages, making the badli (temporary) workers permanent, allowances for leave and travel and payment for house rent.

Limitations of the Trade Union Movement in India

1.  The Trade Union Movement in India is faced with many defects. Only a small fraction of the working class is organized. Even in the organized sector, a sizeable chunk of workers does not participate in the Trade Union Movement. Indian economy is largely agriculture-based. Small peasants and agricultural labor encounter the problems of seasonal unemployment and low income. They are forced to go to cities in search of employment. Most of these workers are illiterate, ignorant of rights, unorganized and have a migratory character. A large section of the workers does not

exhibit much interest in the trade union movement because city life for them is a temporary condition. So they do not realize the importance of unity among workers.

2.  Another major weakness of the trade unions is poor finance. This makes the trade unions dependent on external finance and influence.

3. Yet another weakness of the trade union movement has been the dominance of the leadership from outside. The main reason for this has been the lack of education among the workers. Mostly leadership is provided by professional politicians. Political leadership ignores the needs and welfare of the workers and tries to use the organization for the interest of the political party.

Q. Describe the response of the peasantry to the colonial rule in India.

A. The peasants reacted by revolting against the landlords, money lenders and agents of the colonial state. Leadership in the peasant movements was provided either by the rural intelligentsia or urban intelligentsia. Baba Ram Chand, the leader of the Oudh peasant movement belonged to the former. The Congress started mobilizing the peasants from the 1920s with the purpose to broaden its support base. The Bardoli Satyagraha of 1928, no- rent campaign were examples of such a merger. But the Congress did not encourage the conflict between the landlords and the peasants to get sharpened. The Congress had been more interested in forging an alliance between the landlords, peasants and other classes. Soon the need to evolve an independent peasant organization led by peasant leaders to safeguard the interest of the peasants were being felt by them.

                It was under these circumstances that the first all India peasant organization the All India Kisan Sabha was formed in 1936 in Lucknow under the presidentship of Swami Sahjanand Saraswati, the founder of Bihar Pradesh Kisan Sabha. N.G.Ranga the pioneer of the Kisan movement in Andhra became its first General Secretary. Very soon the branches of the All India Kisan Sabha were established in many districts of the country.

                  Different Congress Ministries formed after elections in 1937 introduced agrarian legislation to provide relief to the peasants such as for debt relief, restoration of lands lost during the depression, for the security of tenure, etc. But these measures did not affect the conditions of the peasants of lower strata. The dissatisfaction of peasants found expression in a number of protest meetings, conferences, and demonstrations. The outbreak of World War II brought the resignation of the Congress Ministries and launching of severe repression against Kisan Sabha leaders. In the year 1939, the national convention of the All India Kisan Sabha was presided over by Acharya Narendra Dev. In his Presidential address, he emphasized the need for separation of Kisan Sabha from Congress. According to him, a separate Kisan Sabha was necessary in order to put pressure on Congress.

Q. Discuss the characteristics and nature of farmers' movement in independent India.

A.     By looking at the different farmer's movement we can understand the nature and characteristics of peasant movements in India.

The Tebhaga Movement of Bengal - was one of such movements. The provincial Kisan Sabha of Bengal launched this Movement in 1946. Gradually the influence of the left in general and the communists, in particular, increased in the Kisan Sabha. In 1947 the leadership of the All India Kisan Sabha went into the hands of the communists. The communists led the provincial Kisan Sabha of Bengal also. This movement soon took the form of a clash between the share-croppers and the jotedars, the employers. The share-croppers began to assert that they would no longer pay a half share of their crop to their jotedars but only one- third. They also insisted that before division the crop would be stored in their khamars (godowns) and not in that of the jotedars. Poor peasants, middle peasants and also some sons of jotedars led the movement. The middle peasants provided the bulk of the leaders and they supported the movement up to the end. The rich peasants slowly detached themselves. When the government resorted to severe repression in 1947 the movement came to an end.

Telangana Movement - It was launched in 1946 in the princely state of Hyderabad ruled by the Nizam. This movement started as a protest against the collection of excessive revenue using force by jagirdars. In the beginning, the leadership was in the hands of the rich peasants and the movement was directed against the big absentee landlords allied to the Nizamsahi. But soon the initiative passed into the hands of poor peasants and agricultural labor that started occupying lands of landlords, and wastelands and started distributing it among them. By 1947 this movement organized a Guerilla Army mobilizing poor peasantry and agricultural labor many of which were tribal and untouchables. This army snatched a large number of arms from the zamindars and drove away from the local government officials. They established their control over an area of 15,000 square miles with a population of 40,000. The

administrations in these areas were run by peasant soviets. 

          The army of independent India succeeded in crushing the Telangana Movement in 1951. This indicates the nature (peasants etc.) & characteristics (violence) of peasants movement in India. Peasants and landless labor that got nothing from the government except promises and whose condition showed no signs of improvement and were suffering oppression at the hands of rural dominant sections. They found a ray of hope in this militant philosophy. This philosophy continues to inspire that segment of the rural population who has lived at the receiving end. At many places, they are fighting for the security of employment, minimum wages, rights over a share of produce and against sexual abuse of their women. There are instances of violence when they exercise their right to vote. Most of the time they have to resort to violence to protect their rights and dignity which is under threat from the landowning and dominant sections of society. Their faith in violence is strengthened because of the find that the state and the police always taking sides with the landowning dominant

sections of society.

Q. Comment on the Naxalite movement.

A.   In 1967 there started a peasant protest at a place called Naxalbari in the Darjeeling District of West Bengal. The land reform policy of the government had not succeeded in taking lands from zamindars and big farmers and distributing among poor peasants and landless labor in any significant way. There existed discontent among peasants. In such situation the leaders of peasant organization gave a call for establishing the government of peasant committees, organizing armed struggle to end the ownership of the jotedars on land and distribute it among poor peasants and landless labor. They drew inspiration from the Telangana Movement. The

Naxalbari movement reached its zenith by the third week of May 1967. There was violence on a large scale. Naxalbari got enormous publicity largely because it was fighting a state government wherein C.P.I.M. was a major coalition partner and also because China believed that the Naxalites were following the correct line. In July 1967, movement was suppressed by security forces.

BPSE - 212

9th Part

Q. Dalit Movement in India.

A. Dalit movement in the post – Independence period in India can be divided into three phases, these are- phase I (the 1950s – 1960s), phase II (1970s –1980s); and phase III (1990s onwards. One of the common features of Dalit politics throughout the post – Independence period, especially from the 1960s onwards, e.g., to strive to have a party of their own or a party led by the Dalits. The shift in Dalit support from the Congress to RPI in the 1960s, to the Janata Party in 1977, the Janata Dal in 1989 and to the BSP in the 1990s onwards are examples of this desire of the Dalits. Several

factors have contributed to the rise of Dalit movement, especially from the 1980s onwards. These include the emergence of a new generation among Dalits, which is conscious of their rights, explosion of mass media and the impact of the ideas of Dr.

B R Ambedkar.

Phase I (the 1950s – 1960s)

          By implementing the universal adult franchise, reservation in educational and political institutions, and jobs for the Scheduled Castes as per the provisions of the constitution enabled a large number of them to take advantage of these facilities in the period following independence. Along with these, the state in India introduced several programs for the welfare of the disadvantaged groups of the society, especially the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Despite the difficulties in availing of their right to vote in many parts of the country, the politicization of the Dalits

took place to a considerable extent. Such a process made them conscious of their rights.

         The policies and strategies adopted by Congress helped Dalits to become a major social base. Meanwhile, there emerged the first generation of Dalit leadership borne after independence, which included educated middle-class professionals as well. This group became critical of dominant political parties and the cultural ethos, especially the Congress and the Hindu belief system. They started

feeling that the Congress was using them as the vote bank; the high castes were holding the leadership of this party and not allowing Dalits to get the leadership. On the cultural front, they felt that the Hindu religion does not provide them a respectable place. Therefore, in order to live respectfully, they should discard the Hindu religion and convert to Buddhism. 

                    The advocates of this opinion were influenced by the ideas of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. They formed the Republican Party of India (RPI) based on the ideas and principles of Ambedkar. In the late 1950s and 1960s, RPI launched a cultural and political movement in UP and Maharastra. A large number of Dalits got converted to Buddhism. The RPI emerged one of the important political parties in the assembly and parliamentary elections held in UP during the 1960s. But the RPI could not remain a force in UP after the 1960s because its main leadership got co-opted into the Congress, a party against whom it had launched the movement in the preceding decade.

Phase2 (1970-80) -

Dalit panther - With its main leadership had joined either the Congress or any other formation, the RPI movement had become almost an insignificant force. But the seeds sown by this movement resulted in the formation of Dalit Panther and its movement. But like the RPI movement, it had to suffer from the split. Two main

leaders of the Dalit Panther Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal developed differences on the ideological ground. The Dalit Panther could not be able to make an alliance of all exploited. It got divided between the Ambedkarites and Marxists, particularly after 1974 by-election to the Bombay parliamentary constituency.

Phase 3(1990 onwards) -

The 1990s have seen the proliferation of Dalit organizations in different states of the country. The case of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh is most important. Though the RPI had been influential in Uttar Pradesh like Maharashtra since the 1950s, the rise of the BSP has been the most striking feature of Dalit identity and politics in India. It has been able to lead the government in Uttar Pradesh thrice with a Dalit woman Mayawati as the chief minister. The BSP was founded in 1984 by its president Kashi Ram. Before forming the BSP Kashi Ram mobilized Dalits under the social and cultural organization and brought the Dalit middle classes under one umbrella. With the formation of the BSP, Kashi Ram changed the social and cultural organizations into a political party – the BSP. The BSP aimed to mobilize the majority of other sections of the society, the Bahujan Samaj, consisting of the Dalits, backward class

and religious minorities which excluded the high castes like Brahmans, Rajputs, and Banias.

       The BSP has been able to consolidate its position among Dalits

mainly for its strategy of electoral alliances and the public policies. From the 1993 assembly election of UP onwards, the BSP has entered into alliances with the major political formulations like Congress, the BJP and the Samajwadi Party in UP or the Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab. The main objective of BSP was to win the assembly & parliamentary elections or in the post-poll alliance to help it form the government. The rise of the BSP has imparted a sense of pride and confidence among the Dalits in the country. The special focus of the BSP-led coalition governments in UP on the Dalits in its policies has created & caused resentment among the

non-Dalits both among the high castes as well as the backward classes. The BSP has been able to counter this by the change in its alliance strategy. Unlike its initial strategy, the has been giving tickets to high castes. Though the BSP contributed to the politicization of Dalits to a large extent, it could not maintain the unity of the Bahujan Samaj.

Q. What was the tribal response to colonialism? Explain.

A.  The tribal movement against colonialism can be divided into 3 phases.

The First Phase (1795-1860) -

The rise and establishment of the British rule saw the beginning of the first phase (1795-1860) of the tribal uprisings which may be described as primary resistance movements. In the North-East the sub-phases of tribal rebellions could be similarly demarcated. The Garos and Hajongs who submitted to the British rule to escape the

tyranny of their zamindars came under the influence of the Pagal Panthi. Their chief, Tipu who became the leader of the oppressed peasantry, founded a kingdom and was arrested. The Khasis were engaged in acts of violence in the plains they raided from 1787 to 1825. The Khasis opposed the construction of the road, and the

confederation of Khasi chiefs resisted the British attempt at the occupation of their country, led by Tirot Singh. The British sent out expeditions to punish them.

The Second Phase (1860-1920) -

The second phase (1860-1920) coincided with the onset of the intensive period of colonialism, which saw a much deeper penetration of merchant capital, a higher incidence of rent, etc., into tribal areas. It intensified the exploitation of the tribes. As a result of this, there were a larger number of tribal movements against

colonization. Both Christianity and Bhakti movement contributed in this phase to the rise of tribal movements. The tribal movements demonstrated, in varying degrees, tribal resistance against the assaults on their system. The Kherwar movement among the Santals (1871-80), the Sardar revivalistic movement among the Mundas and Oraons(1881-90), the Tana Bhagat and Haribaba movements in Chotanagpur, the bhagat movement in Madhya Pradesh and Bhil revivalism, which were expressive of the tribals urge to create a new order.

             The movement led by Birsa Munda (1874-1901) is the best known of the socio-political movements of this phase because the movement sought to establish Munda raj and independence. The rebels attacked police stations and officials, churches and missionaries. There was an undercurrent of hostility against

the dikus (outsiders).

The Third Phase (1920-1947) -

             In the third phase from 1920 to 1947, we see three trends in tribal movements. The first trend is the impact of the freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi who mobilized some of the major tribal groups in the national movement and reconstruction program. The second trend is represented by the movements centering on land and forest revival and reform of tribal society. The third trend is reflected by the rise of movements seeking autonomy, statehood, separation, and independence led by the tribal middle class.

Q. Describe the main features of tribal movements in India.

A.       Tribal movements may broadly be classified into:

(a)  Political movements for autonomy, independence, state formation, and self-rule.

(b) Agrarian and Forest-based Movements: movements for control over resources, such as land & forest or the movements directed against land alienation, & displacement and against restrictions in the forest and for forest conservation

Political Movement

           It was in the Chotanagpur - Santal Pargana region of Bihar that the movement for political autonomy & formation of a state started. The Adivasi Mahasabha was wound up and merged with a new regional party, the Jharkhand Party, in 1949. The Jharkhand Party was thrown open to all residents of Chotanagpur irrespective of ethnicity of people. There was thus a transition from ethnicity to regionalism as a prime factor during the formation of this party. The period from 1952 to 1957 was in many ways the peak period for the Jharkhand movement and party, which had emerged as the major party in the Chotanagpur-Santal paragana region. The second

general elections in 1957 had seen it extend its influence to Orissa.               The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha emerged as a major political force in the industrial and mining belt of Chotanagpur and in state politics after the 1980 general elections. One of the major complaints of tribals is that the region accounts for 28 percent of minerals but receives only 15 percent of the state's budget for development. The development process is also exploitative for the local inhabitants as outsiders have moved into

the region and have seized all opportunities of employment. The Committee on Jharkhand Matters recommended setting up of an autonomous authority. The Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) came into existence in 1993, but it fell short of the expectations of the people who demanded nothing short of a full state. In the two general elections held in 1995 and 1996, the all India political parties advocating a separate state and thus Jharkhand state became a reality on 15 November 2000. It fulfilled the objective of a Jharkhand state set by the Jharkhand Party in 1950 and dream of a tribal raj held out by Birsa Munda, about one hundred years ago.

Political movement in N-E -

Political processes in the North-Eastern hills of India picked up on the eve of Independence of India when a considerable number of tribals and a substantial section of their elite among the Khasis, Mizos, Garos and even a section among the Nagas agreed to participate in the constitutional system of India. Old tribes assumed

new names, small tribes merged with larger tribes, and some tribes combined together to form a new ethnic-cum-territorial identity. While the processes for the formation of the autonomous councils or the state were almost common to all tribes, there were differences on the question of their relationship with the nation-state. A section of the Nagas chose the path of insurgency, followed by the Mizos, the Meiteis, and the Tripuris. Other sections of the same tribes later preferred integration.

Agrarian and Forest-Based Movements

In Independent India, tribals continued to face hardships like alienation of tribals resources such as land. Tribals are being displaced not only by non-tribals but also by the state and other organizations which require land for development. They are now pitted not only against other people but also against the state which they blamed as the major reasons for displacing them from their land. The tribals started asking for the restoration of the land that they lost by invoking the provision of the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Area Land Transfer Regulations, 1959, which come into

force in 1963. They also demanded the transfer of ownership and possession of the land allotted to them. Of late, they have come under the influence of CPI (ML) of the People’s War Group (PWG) and waged a violent movement against the state.

Naga Movement -

The Naga movement is the oldest ongoing movement for autonomy or independence of the state in India. The origin of the Naga movement could be traced to the formation of a Naga club in the year 1918 at Kohima. It had a branch at Mokokchung, which consisted mainly of the members of Naga elites, including govt officials who came from the administrative centers of Kohima and Mokokchung and a few leading headmen of the neighboring villages. The club discussed social and administrative problems involving all the tribes of the Naga Hills. The Naga Club submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929. It prayed for keeping the hills outside the scheme of reforms and for continuing the direct British administration of the hills. In April 1945 the District Tribal Council was formed in the Naga hills at the initiative of the then Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills District. The nomenclature of this Council was changed to Naga National Council (NNC)in 1946. The constitution of the Naga National Council as the political forum of the Naga tribes was the beginning of the modern phase of the Naga movement. It gave a sense of political unity to the Naga tribes and it embodied the concept of Naga nationhood.

                The objectives of the NNC have developed through many phases from autonomy to independence. Under the 9-point agreement reached between the NNC and the Government of India — represented by the late Sir Akbar Hyderi, the then Governor of Assam on 27-29th June 1947, there were provisions for protection from land alienation, creation of administrative autonomy and special responsibility of the Government of India for their implementation. The Naga movement from 1947 to 1954 in the Naga Hills remained peaceful and constitutional. Towards the end of 1949, the Naga National Council changed its goals favoring

Independence outside India Union. In 1954, the Naga announced the formation of the Hongkin Government that is of Free Nagaland’. Violence broke out in 1954 and there were many incidents involving the Indian army and rebels, questioning the

authority of India.

                In July 1960, a 16-point agreement was reached between Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and a Naga delegation. On 1 August 1960, Prime Minister Nehru announced in Parliament the decision of the Government to make ‘Nagaland’ the 16th state of the Indian Union. Till 1968, several rounds of talks were held between the underground leaders. Another landmark was the signing of the Shillong Accord, on 11 November 1975 under the terms of which the underground Naga accepted the Indian Constitution, the deposited their arms and government of India, in turn, released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation. However, while there has been no resumption of insurgency and more and more underground workers have come over the ground, renouncing violence. Nagaland has generally

remained an oasis of peace and stability in the otherwise troubled North-East.

Q. What are the CHARACTERISTICS & CONSEQUENCES OF TRIBAL MOVEMENTS

A. Characteristics - The leadership of the tribal movements has mainly emerged from themselves. While the leadership of the first phase emerged from the upper crust of tribal society. They were disposed of tribal chiefs, religious figures, etc who have lost their importance and influence over the tribal society due to colonialism. The leadership of the second rose from the lowest rung of it. The Santal brothers were landless - Birsa Munda was a raiyat or a parja (crop-sharer) and Govind Giri was a hali. The leadership of the third phase and post-colonial periods was provided by the members of the upcoming tribal middle class, both in Central India and in the North-East. They were educated people which included priests,

catechists, teachers, public servants, rural leaders and professionals who spoke largely in secular idioms. The leadership of the social reform movement was provided by the outsiders such as the Gandhian workers, members of the Parja Mandal and of some tribal uprisings such as the Nagesia by even "Baniyas".

               The goals of the movement ranged from the restoration of the pre-colonial polity, service tenure (Chuar), and land (Sardar) and right of tribals in the forest to the expulsion of outsiders, end of taxation, social reform, political independence, or establishment of the tribal raj or participation in constitutional and democratic political apparatus, the formation of tribal states, gaining equality and end of exploitation. The social and ethnic composition of the tribal movements ranged from the participation led by a single tribe to a confederacy of tribes and the castes sub-ordinate to the tribes such as the artisans and service groups.

Consequences - There have been both short and long term impacts of tribal movements. In the short run, the authorities responded by taking immediate measures to address the tribal concerns, devise measures to protect their resources, prevention from land alienation, other grievances, etc. The Gandhian workers and Congress ministries which assumed office in 1937 started working on tribals' poverty, indebtedness and backwardness and put in place the first slew of welfare measures.

Q.  What was the Shillong Accord?

A.  It was an accord signed between the underground Nagas and the

Government of India on November 11, 1975. Under the terms of this accord, the Nagas accepted the Constitution of India, deposited their arms. The government of India released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation.

Q. What have been the main goals of the tribal movements in India?

A.  The main goals of the tribal movements included: restoration of the pre-colonial polity, service tenure, land, right to forest, the expulsion of outsiders, social reform, end of taxation, etc.

Q. Analyze the major issues of the environmental movement in India.

A.  There are three major issues confronting environmental movement-

Role Of the State - It is found that the state has acted in a biased manner in the issue of environmental pollution. The issue of environmental protection is split into two camps. One side is the ‘iron triangle’ in the form of ‘bureaucrats-industrialists - -politicians’ and on the other are the powerless victims of pollution and environmental degradation. Instead of working as a mediator to look into grievances of people, the state functions against the interests of the people. From history, we learn that nobody is ready to accept the existence of this issue. The people who are the victims of air or water pollution are left in cold with the burden of proof on their shoulders.

                  There were factories and industries in Vapi, Ankleshwar,

Nandesari and Baroda in Gujarat polluting the environment. When the affected people complained about the impact of pollution in the form of holes in the clothes and kitchen vessels or deaths of buffaloes or elephants by drinking polluted water, released regularly in the nearby open spaces, village ponds, ravines and rivers, the polluting industries’ first reaction is there is no such problem. When potato and banana-growing farmers of villages in the Baroda region of Gujarat complained about crop-destruction due to air pollution, the polluting industry instantly disowned and

disclaimed the responsibility.

                  The impact of pollution is first felt by the people but the

‘iron-triangle’ usually opposes its existence. People are ultimate, left with no other option but to launch a movement. It is the suffering people who find themselves in a strange powerless and helpless situation. Hence, they were forced to launch a movement to exert pressure by compelling the state first to recognize the existence of the issue and then make and implement preventive laws on pollution. People’s struggle continues even at this stage as the powerful lobby tries to dilute such laws. Violation of pollution laws was not at all dealt with firmly until about the Bhopal gas disaster occurred.

Role Of Judiciary - The environment movement in India has essentially passed through three phases. In the first phase which was the longest phase, legislative hurdles were crossed. That is to say, opposition, obstruction or dilution of pollution laws was done while being framed in legislatures. In the second phase, opposition to the implementation of already made anti-pollution laws was experienced. Here also the iron-triangle operated in favor of the polluters rather than in protecting the interests of the victims of pollution. In the current phase, as a final recourse to look into the grievances against those polluting and jeopardizing the increasingly fragile ecosystem, doors of the judiciary are knocked.

               According to legal experts, the Constitution itself is

environment-blind initially and hence, the 42nd Amendment to the Constitution has added Article 48-A. It instructs the state to make efforts for protecting and improving the environment, forests, and wildlife. Article 51-A is about the fundamental duty of the citizens ”to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers, and wildlife...”. The absence of environmental concerns in the Constitution is due to its obsession with development. These provisions have improved the prospects of judicial intervention in environmental matters. It has encouraged

environmental litigation by the victims of pollution or of environmental degradation.

                 However, from 1950-84, neither the state nor the civil society was concerned about systematic and organized degradation and destruction of the environment while pursuing the policy of generating prosperity through massive industrialization. Judicial activism rose in response to this neglect. The apex courts at the state and central level are flooded with petitions seeking the protection of the environment. This is a major achievement of the enlightened judicial process. As a result of the judiciary, activism action is taken against polluting industries. For instance, in Shri Ram Fertilizer case the court created “an idea of absolute liability” of manufacturer of hazardous substances, raw material, processes or products, lest any damages are caused to the people or workers.

Environment versus Livelihood

Environmental degradation is the result of a vicious circle in which most societies are so badly caught. It is argued that development is undertaken to remove poverty and improve the quality of life of the people. But the mode of development that is followed has turned out to be environmentally disastrous. Instead of reducing poverty, it has increased inequality, deprivation, marginalization and caused extensive environmental degradation. The industrialists, politicians and forest bureaucrats have formed a nexus to exploit natural resources without any restraint.

            Heavy industrialization is another potent source of pollution and a threat to the environment. Unchecked industrialization has released toxic gases, chemicals, effluents, and hazardous substances into the air, water, & soil. Another dimension of this issue pertains to the occupational hazards on the health and safety of the workers of some specific industries such as chemical, petrochemical,

pharmaceutical, pesticides, and fertilizer. The workers and the local population are found to be suffering from cancer, respiratory diseases, infertility, corrosion of fingers, toes, and holes in the nose (wall separating the nostrils). There is a decline in livelihood prospects from fishing, agricultural and horticultural activities. Such widespread impact has generated anguish among the victims and people's movements were launched.

             This shows that developing societies are really caught in a helpless situation. The market-centered and sensitive strategy of economic development has left us with little scope of amendments. If livelihood is generated, the environment is threatened and if the environment is protected, livelihood is threatened.

Q.  Describe nature of environmental movement in India.

A.  Widespread depletion and degradation of natural resources is the result of pushing nature far beyond its carrying capacity by mindless consumption. The forest communities to some extent and people, in general, have over-exploited natural resources.

Broadly environmental struggles are of three types-

In the first type, the issue of rights of different communities residing in nature overusing natural resources was discussed. This type of struggle does not question the development model or the acts of redefining man-nature relations. In the second type, we find concerns about the destruction & depletion of renewable and non-renewable resources but no legal corrections or challenge the dominant development model. The third type of response is substantial & fundamental to the issue. It aims at rejecting the dominant development model and redefines man's relationship with nature.

             All three types of environmental movements are centered around different natural resources such as air, water, land, forest or sea. Accordingly, they can be referred to as forest-based struggles, land-use struggles, anti-big dam struggles, anti-pollution struggles and struggles against the destruction of marine resources, etc. In ecological struggles, a large section of society is involved as participants like voluntary organizations, media, professionals like scientists, researchers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, technologists, human rights groups, sympathetic and concerned policy-makers, and bureaucrats. Each of these actors adds strength, vigor, guidance, and direction to struggle. However, most adversely

affected people like tribals, villagers, fishermen, etc. constitute the base of the struggle.

              There are different strategies employed in environmental movements. Firstly question and compare the possible benefit from such projects in comparison to environmental damage and loss of livelihood to the affected people. Most projects are hailed as development-oriented and therefore, they are likely to be fought back as anti-people, anti-national, anti-development, anti-progress, etc.

Q.  Discuss the impact of environmental movements in India.

A.  One major impact is movements have raised the issue of redefining our understanding of market, society, state, science, and nature. The issue of preserving diversity and plurality in society & nature is well-raised by environment movements. The environment movements have by and large remained “diverse and scattered”.

Their overall impact is uneven. Along with failures, there have been successes too. The Silent Valley movement’s impact was positive, successful and trendsetting The Doon Valley environment movement was partly successful. But at many other places, though, the movements are launched, intensified but not successful. Bhopal Gas disaster successfully drew the attention of the nation and the world but it has not succeeded in preventing hazardous products and processes. 

                Despite the persistence of struggles, thousands of people are displaced yearly due to large development projects. On the other hand, the movement has made a major contribution to give

centrality and public space to the cause of environment protection. This is a historic achievement as never before so much concern, awareness, involvement, and participation were witnessed. The government has made many policies on forests, wildlife, wastelands, water, air, and soil conservation. But there is a wide gap between the rising concern and actual action by the state. Interestingly, no political party, trade union or peasant organizations have made this to be their issue. The environment movements remain exposed to the dangers of gaps between

concern/thought and action; fragmented, co-optation, manipulation and distortion by government and vested interests.

Q. Silent Valley Movement.

A. This movement originated in Kerala. It is one of the earliest landmarks in the recent history of environmental movements in the direction of preserving the environment by people’s own struggle and agitation in India. The reasons for its origin lie in Kerala Government’s proposal to build a dam on the Kuntipuzha river in the early 1970s. The government’s concern was to generate prosperity for the state through increased industrialization. This was not happening because of the shortage of electricity in the state. The prime aim of building the dam was to generate power for industries. The construction of the dam was to cover 77 sq.kms. as a catchment area. As a consequence, India’s richest tropical forest, known as Silent Valley was to be flooded and submerged. It is interesting to note that unlike in most such cases, there was no

problem of displacement and rehabilitation of the people as the dam was to be constructed at a location where there was no human settlement. In this sense, the Silent Valley movement was the first purely and primarily fought environment movement. The odds against the movement were heavy. 

             The state government of Kerala was in total control of the issue as all the political parties and industrial lobby was in full support of the scheme and backed the government. The KSSP successfully mobilized local opinion against the dam and managed to rope in environmental experts like botanists, zoologists of international repute like Salim Ali, well-known economists, and engineers. This move strengthened the KSSP’s argument and position vis-a-vis the government’s technical teams. It forcefully presented its argument against the scheme on the grounds of adverse environmental consequences on “a rare ecosystem, rich in biological and genetic diversity”. 

                The KSSP went a step ahead as a strategy and argued that the required electricity could be generated easily by setting up thermal power stations in dispersed locations as well as by improving the power transmission systems. The KSSP was able to give this controversy the status of a genuine public debate far beyond the state. National attention was drawn. Furious debates, persistent campaigns, and constant relentless lobbying through the media, parliament and expert committees made dropping the idea of the dam in Silent Valley possible.

Chipko Movement

This movement was basically concerned with the preservation and protection of forests. It was an environmental movement for maintaining the ecological balance in the sub-Himalayan region of Uttar Pradesh. Four districts of Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Tehri, and Pauri form Garhwal division and cover a total area of 27,000 sq.kms. and about 14 lakhs population. It is interesting to note that due to the migratory nature of labor there are more females than males in this area. Employment is very low in this region. There are 97 percent working women as cultivators while only 72 percent of men are cultivators. Males work in the army and hence women are left behind to manage land, livestock, and household. Chipko is also interpreted as the feminist movement because of this. This movement originated in the Dasohli Gram Swarajya Mandal in Gopeshwar of Chamoli district. The movement was initiated by Gandhian Sarvodaya workers. The Sarvodaya workers were active in this area for about 13 years through various rural reconstruction work.

        The movement began on 24 April 1973. There was a historical

conflict of interests over forest and timber rights in this area between local villagers and Sarvodaya workers on one hand and timber contractors and forest bureaucrats on the other. The contractors were able to exert more influence over forest bureaucracy and local politicians to corner the forest benefits. Previous to Chipko mobilization, stirrings against the government’s forest policy and the department had taken place in this region too. The forest department rejected the Sarvodaya workers’ demand for 10 ash trees per annum for its farm tools workshop set up with the support from Khadi Gramodyog Commission. But it allotted 300 ash trees to the Simon Company for manufacturing sports goods like tennis rackets etc. The primacy thus was accorded to tennis rackets over the self-subsisting needs of the poor cultivator’s ploughs. The cutting of these 300 trees by Company agent was started in March 1973. Sarvodaya workers and 100 other villagers marched from the nearby areas to Gopeshwar.

               As a result of this resistance by the villagers, the company men beat retreat. In order to appease the protesters, the forest department showed readiness to concede one ash tree to Sarvodaya workers, if they let the Simon Company cut trees of its original quota. The temptation was raised to two, three, five and ten ash trees of full quota but it was rejected. The Simon’s quota was canceled but re-allotted in Phata Forest in another part of the district. In June 1973, other local leaders organized resistance and launched the Chipko movement. The trees were guarded by the village up to end December when the permit will automatically lose its validity.