BPSE - 212

9th Part

Q. Dalit Movement in India.

A. Dalit movement in the post – Independence period in India can be divided into three phases, these are- phase I (the 1950s – 1960s), phase II (1970s –1980s); and phase III (1990s onwards. One of the common features of Dalit politics throughout the post – Independence period, especially from the 1960s onwards, e.g., to strive to have a party of their own or a party led by the Dalits. The shift in Dalit support from the Congress to RPI in the 1960s, to the Janata Party in 1977, the Janata Dal in 1989 and to the BSP in the 1990s onwards are examples of this desire of the Dalits. Several

factors have contributed to the rise of Dalit movement, especially from the 1980s onwards. These include the emergence of a new generation among Dalits, which is conscious of their rights, explosion of mass media and the impact of the ideas of Dr.

B R Ambedkar.

Phase I (the 1950s – 1960s)

          By implementing the universal adult franchise, reservation in educational and political institutions, and jobs for the Scheduled Castes as per the provisions of the constitution enabled a large number of them to take advantage of these facilities in the period following independence. Along with these, the state in India introduced several programs for the welfare of the disadvantaged groups of the society, especially the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Despite the difficulties in availing of their right to vote in many parts of the country, the politicization of the Dalits

took place to a considerable extent. Such a process made them conscious of their rights.

         The policies and strategies adopted by Congress helped Dalits to become a major social base. Meanwhile, there emerged the first generation of Dalit leadership borne after independence, which included educated middle-class professionals as well. This group became critical of dominant political parties and the cultural ethos, especially the Congress and the Hindu belief system. They started

feeling that the Congress was using them as the vote bank; the high castes were holding the leadership of this party and not allowing Dalits to get the leadership. On the cultural front, they felt that the Hindu religion does not provide them a respectable place. Therefore, in order to live respectfully, they should discard the Hindu religion and convert to Buddhism. 

                    The advocates of this opinion were influenced by the ideas of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. They formed the Republican Party of India (RPI) based on the ideas and principles of Ambedkar. In the late 1950s and 1960s, RPI launched a cultural and political movement in UP and Maharastra. A large number of Dalits got converted to Buddhism. The RPI emerged one of the important political parties in the assembly and parliamentary elections held in UP during the 1960s. But the RPI could not remain a force in UP after the 1960s because its main leadership got co-opted into the Congress, a party against whom it had launched the movement in the preceding decade.

Phase2 (1970-80) -

Dalit panther - With its main leadership had joined either the Congress or any other formation, the RPI movement had become almost an insignificant force. But the seeds sown by this movement resulted in the formation of Dalit Panther and its movement. But like the RPI movement, it had to suffer from the split. Two main

leaders of the Dalit Panther Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal developed differences on the ideological ground. The Dalit Panther could not be able to make an alliance of all exploited. It got divided between the Ambedkarites and Marxists, particularly after 1974 by-election to the Bombay parliamentary constituency.

Phase 3(1990 onwards) -

The 1990s have seen the proliferation of Dalit organizations in different states of the country. The case of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh is most important. Though the RPI had been influential in Uttar Pradesh like Maharashtra since the 1950s, the rise of the BSP has been the most striking feature of Dalit identity and politics in India. It has been able to lead the government in Uttar Pradesh thrice with a Dalit woman Mayawati as the chief minister. The BSP was founded in 1984 by its president Kashi Ram. Before forming the BSP Kashi Ram mobilized Dalits under the social and cultural organization and brought the Dalit middle classes under one umbrella. With the formation of the BSP, Kashi Ram changed the social and cultural organizations into a political party – the BSP. The BSP aimed to mobilize the majority of other sections of the society, the Bahujan Samaj, consisting of the Dalits, backward class

and religious minorities which excluded the high castes like Brahmans, Rajputs, and Banias.

       The BSP has been able to consolidate its position among Dalits

mainly for its strategy of electoral alliances and the public policies. From the 1993 assembly election of UP onwards, the BSP has entered into alliances with the major political formulations like Congress, the BJP and the Samajwadi Party in UP or the Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab. The main objective of BSP was to win the assembly & parliamentary elections or in the post-poll alliance to help it form the government. The rise of the BSP has imparted a sense of pride and confidence among the Dalits in the country. The special focus of the BSP-led coalition governments in UP on the Dalits in its policies has created & caused resentment among the

non-Dalits both among the high castes as well as the backward classes. The BSP has been able to counter this by the change in its alliance strategy. Unlike its initial strategy, the has been giving tickets to high castes. Though the BSP contributed to the politicization of Dalits to a large extent, it could not maintain the unity of the Bahujan Samaj.

Q. What was the tribal response to colonialism? Explain.

A.  The tribal movement against colonialism can be divided into 3 phases.

The First Phase (1795-1860) -

The rise and establishment of the British rule saw the beginning of the first phase (1795-1860) of the tribal uprisings which may be described as primary resistance movements. In the North-East the sub-phases of tribal rebellions could be similarly demarcated. The Garos and Hajongs who submitted to the British rule to escape the

tyranny of their zamindars came under the influence of the Pagal Panthi. Their chief, Tipu who became the leader of the oppressed peasantry, founded a kingdom and was arrested. The Khasis were engaged in acts of violence in the plains they raided from 1787 to 1825. The Khasis opposed the construction of the road, and the

confederation of Khasi chiefs resisted the British attempt at the occupation of their country, led by Tirot Singh. The British sent out expeditions to punish them.

The Second Phase (1860-1920) -

The second phase (1860-1920) coincided with the onset of the intensive period of colonialism, which saw a much deeper penetration of merchant capital, a higher incidence of rent, etc., into tribal areas. It intensified the exploitation of the tribes. As a result of this, there were a larger number of tribal movements against

colonization. Both Christianity and Bhakti movement contributed in this phase to the rise of tribal movements. The tribal movements demonstrated, in varying degrees, tribal resistance against the assaults on their system. The Kherwar movement among the Santals (1871-80), the Sardar revivalistic movement among the Mundas and Oraons(1881-90), the Tana Bhagat and Haribaba movements in Chotanagpur, the bhagat movement in Madhya Pradesh and Bhil revivalism, which were expressive of the tribals urge to create a new order.

             The movement led by Birsa Munda (1874-1901) is the best known of the socio-political movements of this phase because the movement sought to establish Munda raj and independence. The rebels attacked police stations and officials, churches and missionaries. There was an undercurrent of hostility against

the dikus (outsiders).

The Third Phase (1920-1947) -

             In the third phase from 1920 to 1947, we see three trends in tribal movements. The first trend is the impact of the freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi who mobilized some of the major tribal groups in the national movement and reconstruction program. The second trend is represented by the movements centering on land and forest revival and reform of tribal society. The third trend is reflected by the rise of movements seeking autonomy, statehood, separation, and independence led by the tribal middle class.

Q. Describe the main features of tribal movements in India.

A.       Tribal movements may broadly be classified into:

(a)  Political movements for autonomy, independence, state formation, and self-rule.

(b) Agrarian and Forest-based Movements: movements for control over resources, such as land & forest or the movements directed against land alienation, & displacement and against restrictions in the forest and for forest conservation

Political Movement

           It was in the Chotanagpur - Santal Pargana region of Bihar that the movement for political autonomy & formation of a state started. The Adivasi Mahasabha was wound up and merged with a new regional party, the Jharkhand Party, in 1949. The Jharkhand Party was thrown open to all residents of Chotanagpur irrespective of ethnicity of people. There was thus a transition from ethnicity to regionalism as a prime factor during the formation of this party. The period from 1952 to 1957 was in many ways the peak period for the Jharkhand movement and party, which had emerged as the major party in the Chotanagpur-Santal paragana region. The second

general elections in 1957 had seen it extend its influence to Orissa.               The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha emerged as a major political force in the industrial and mining belt of Chotanagpur and in state politics after the 1980 general elections. One of the major complaints of tribals is that the region accounts for 28 percent of minerals but receives only 15 percent of the state's budget for development. The development process is also exploitative for the local inhabitants as outsiders have moved into

the region and have seized all opportunities of employment. The Committee on Jharkhand Matters recommended setting up of an autonomous authority. The Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) came into existence in 1993, but it fell short of the expectations of the people who demanded nothing short of a full state. In the two general elections held in 1995 and 1996, the all India political parties advocating a separate state and thus Jharkhand state became a reality on 15 November 2000. It fulfilled the objective of a Jharkhand state set by the Jharkhand Party in 1950 and dream of a tribal raj held out by Birsa Munda, about one hundred years ago.

Political movement in N-E -

Political processes in the North-Eastern hills of India picked up on the eve of Independence of India when a considerable number of tribals and a substantial section of their elite among the Khasis, Mizos, Garos and even a section among the Nagas agreed to participate in the constitutional system of India. Old tribes assumed

new names, small tribes merged with larger tribes, and some tribes combined together to form a new ethnic-cum-territorial identity. While the processes for the formation of the autonomous councils or the state were almost common to all tribes, there were differences on the question of their relationship with the nation-state. A section of the Nagas chose the path of insurgency, followed by the Mizos, the Meiteis, and the Tripuris. Other sections of the same tribes later preferred integration.

Agrarian and Forest-Based Movements

In Independent India, tribals continued to face hardships like alienation of tribals resources such as land. Tribals are being displaced not only by non-tribals but also by the state and other organizations which require land for development. They are now pitted not only against other people but also against the state which they blamed as the major reasons for displacing them from their land. The tribals started asking for the restoration of the land that they lost by invoking the provision of the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Area Land Transfer Regulations, 1959, which come into

force in 1963. They also demanded the transfer of ownership and possession of the land allotted to them. Of late, they have come under the influence of CPI (ML) of the People’s War Group (PWG) and waged a violent movement against the state.

Naga Movement -

The Naga movement is the oldest ongoing movement for autonomy or independence of the state in India. The origin of the Naga movement could be traced to the formation of a Naga club in the year 1918 at Kohima. It had a branch at Mokokchung, which consisted mainly of the members of Naga elites, including govt officials who came from the administrative centers of Kohima and Mokokchung and a few leading headmen of the neighboring villages. The club discussed social and administrative problems involving all the tribes of the Naga Hills. The Naga Club submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929. It prayed for keeping the hills outside the scheme of reforms and for continuing the direct British administration of the hills. In April 1945 the District Tribal Council was formed in the Naga hills at the initiative of the then Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills District. The nomenclature of this Council was changed to Naga National Council (NNC)in 1946. The constitution of the Naga National Council as the political forum of the Naga tribes was the beginning of the modern phase of the Naga movement. It gave a sense of political unity to the Naga tribes and it embodied the concept of Naga nationhood.

                The objectives of the NNC have developed through many phases from autonomy to independence. Under the 9-point agreement reached between the NNC and the Government of India — represented by the late Sir Akbar Hyderi, the then Governor of Assam on 27-29th June 1947, there were provisions for protection from land alienation, creation of administrative autonomy and special responsibility of the Government of India for their implementation. The Naga movement from 1947 to 1954 in the Naga Hills remained peaceful and constitutional. Towards the end of 1949, the Naga National Council changed its goals favoring

Independence outside India Union. In 1954, the Naga announced the formation of the Hongkin Government that is of Free Nagaland’. Violence broke out in 1954 and there were many incidents involving the Indian army and rebels, questioning the

authority of India.

                In July 1960, a 16-point agreement was reached between Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and a Naga delegation. On 1 August 1960, Prime Minister Nehru announced in Parliament the decision of the Government to make ‘Nagaland’ the 16th state of the Indian Union. Till 1968, several rounds of talks were held between the underground leaders. Another landmark was the signing of the Shillong Accord, on 11 November 1975 under the terms of which the underground Naga accepted the Indian Constitution, the deposited their arms and government of India, in turn, released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation. However, while there has been no resumption of insurgency and more and more underground workers have come over the ground, renouncing violence. Nagaland has generally

remained an oasis of peace and stability in the otherwise troubled North-East.

Q. What are the CHARACTERISTICS & CONSEQUENCES OF TRIBAL MOVEMENTS

A. Characteristics - The leadership of the tribal movements has mainly emerged from themselves. While the leadership of the first phase emerged from the upper crust of tribal society. They were disposed of tribal chiefs, religious figures, etc who have lost their importance and influence over the tribal society due to colonialism. The leadership of the second rose from the lowest rung of it. The Santal brothers were landless - Birsa Munda was a raiyat or a parja (crop-sharer) and Govind Giri was a hali. The leadership of the third phase and post-colonial periods was provided by the members of the upcoming tribal middle class, both in Central India and in the North-East. They were educated people which included priests,

catechists, teachers, public servants, rural leaders and professionals who spoke largely in secular idioms. The leadership of the social reform movement was provided by the outsiders such as the Gandhian workers, members of the Parja Mandal and of some tribal uprisings such as the Nagesia by even "Baniyas".

               The goals of the movement ranged from the restoration of the pre-colonial polity, service tenure (Chuar), and land (Sardar) and right of tribals in the forest to the expulsion of outsiders, end of taxation, social reform, political independence, or establishment of the tribal raj or participation in constitutional and democratic political apparatus, the formation of tribal states, gaining equality and end of exploitation. The social and ethnic composition of the tribal movements ranged from the participation led by a single tribe to a confederacy of tribes and the castes sub-ordinate to the tribes such as the artisans and service groups.

Consequences - There have been both short and long term impacts of tribal movements. In the short run, the authorities responded by taking immediate measures to address the tribal concerns, devise measures to protect their resources, prevention from land alienation, other grievances, etc. The Gandhian workers and Congress ministries which assumed office in 1937 started working on tribals' poverty, indebtedness and backwardness and put in place the first slew of welfare measures.

Q.  What was the Shillong Accord?

A.  It was an accord signed between the underground Nagas and the

Government of India on November 11, 1975. Under the terms of this accord, the Nagas accepted the Constitution of India, deposited their arms. The government of India released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation.

Q. What have been the main goals of the tribal movements in India?

A.  The main goals of the tribal movements included: restoration of the pre-colonial polity, service tenure, land, right to forest, the expulsion of outsiders, social reform, end of taxation, etc.

Q. Analyze the major issues of the environmental movement in India.

A.  There are three major issues confronting environmental movement-

Role Of the State - It is found that the state has acted in a biased manner in the issue of environmental pollution. The issue of environmental protection is split into two camps. One side is the ‘iron triangle’ in the form of ‘bureaucrats-industrialists - -politicians’ and on the other are the powerless victims of pollution and environmental degradation. Instead of working as a mediator to look into grievances of people, the state functions against the interests of the people. From history, we learn that nobody is ready to accept the existence of this issue. The people who are the victims of air or water pollution are left in cold with the burden of proof on their shoulders.

                  There were factories and industries in Vapi, Ankleshwar,

Nandesari and Baroda in Gujarat polluting the environment. When the affected people complained about the impact of pollution in the form of holes in the clothes and kitchen vessels or deaths of buffaloes or elephants by drinking polluted water, released regularly in the nearby open spaces, village ponds, ravines and rivers, the polluting industries’ first reaction is there is no such problem. When potato and banana-growing farmers of villages in the Baroda region of Gujarat complained about crop-destruction due to air pollution, the polluting industry instantly disowned and

disclaimed the responsibility.

                  The impact of pollution is first felt by the people but the

‘iron-triangle’ usually opposes its existence. People are ultimate, left with no other option but to launch a movement. It is the suffering people who find themselves in a strange powerless and helpless situation. Hence, they were forced to launch a movement to exert pressure by compelling the state first to recognize the existence of the issue and then make and implement preventive laws on pollution. People’s struggle continues even at this stage as the powerful lobby tries to dilute such laws. Violation of pollution laws was not at all dealt with firmly until about the Bhopal gas disaster occurred.

Role Of Judiciary - The environment movement in India has essentially passed through three phases. In the first phase which was the longest phase, legislative hurdles were crossed. That is to say, opposition, obstruction or dilution of pollution laws was done while being framed in legislatures. In the second phase, opposition to the implementation of already made anti-pollution laws was experienced. Here also the iron-triangle operated in favor of the polluters rather than in protecting the interests of the victims of pollution. In the current phase, as a final recourse to look into the grievances against those polluting and jeopardizing the increasingly fragile ecosystem, doors of the judiciary are knocked.

               According to legal experts, the Constitution itself is

environment-blind initially and hence, the 42nd Amendment to the Constitution has added Article 48-A. It instructs the state to make efforts for protecting and improving the environment, forests, and wildlife. Article 51-A is about the fundamental duty of the citizens ”to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers, and wildlife...”. The absence of environmental concerns in the Constitution is due to its obsession with development. These provisions have improved the prospects of judicial intervention in environmental matters. It has encouraged

environmental litigation by the victims of pollution or of environmental degradation.

                 However, from 1950-84, neither the state nor the civil society was concerned about systematic and organized degradation and destruction of the environment while pursuing the policy of generating prosperity through massive industrialization. Judicial activism rose in response to this neglect. The apex courts at the state and central level are flooded with petitions seeking the protection of the environment. This is a major achievement of the enlightened judicial process. As a result of the judiciary, activism action is taken against polluting industries. For instance, in Shri Ram Fertilizer case the court created “an idea of absolute liability” of manufacturer of hazardous substances, raw material, processes or products, lest any damages are caused to the people or workers.

Environment versus Livelihood

Environmental degradation is the result of a vicious circle in which most societies are so badly caught. It is argued that development is undertaken to remove poverty and improve the quality of life of the people. But the mode of development that is followed has turned out to be environmentally disastrous. Instead of reducing poverty, it has increased inequality, deprivation, marginalization and caused extensive environmental degradation. The industrialists, politicians and forest bureaucrats have formed a nexus to exploit natural resources without any restraint.

            Heavy industrialization is another potent source of pollution and a threat to the environment. Unchecked industrialization has released toxic gases, chemicals, effluents, and hazardous substances into the air, water, & soil. Another dimension of this issue pertains to the occupational hazards on the health and safety of the workers of some specific industries such as chemical, petrochemical,

pharmaceutical, pesticides, and fertilizer. The workers and the local population are found to be suffering from cancer, respiratory diseases, infertility, corrosion of fingers, toes, and holes in the nose (wall separating the nostrils). There is a decline in livelihood prospects from fishing, agricultural and horticultural activities. Such widespread impact has generated anguish among the victims and people's movements were launched.

             This shows that developing societies are really caught in a helpless situation. The market-centered and sensitive strategy of economic development has left us with little scope of amendments. If livelihood is generated, the environment is threatened and if the environment is protected, livelihood is threatened.

Q.  Describe nature of environmental movement in India.

A.  Widespread depletion and degradation of natural resources is the result of pushing nature far beyond its carrying capacity by mindless consumption. The forest communities to some extent and people, in general, have over-exploited natural resources.

Broadly environmental struggles are of three types-

In the first type, the issue of rights of different communities residing in nature overusing natural resources was discussed. This type of struggle does not question the development model or the acts of redefining man-nature relations. In the second type, we find concerns about the destruction & depletion of renewable and non-renewable resources but no legal corrections or challenge the dominant development model. The third type of response is substantial & fundamental to the issue. It aims at rejecting the dominant development model and redefines man's relationship with nature.

             All three types of environmental movements are centered around different natural resources such as air, water, land, forest or sea. Accordingly, they can be referred to as forest-based struggles, land-use struggles, anti-big dam struggles, anti-pollution struggles and struggles against the destruction of marine resources, etc. In ecological struggles, a large section of society is involved as participants like voluntary organizations, media, professionals like scientists, researchers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, technologists, human rights groups, sympathetic and concerned policy-makers, and bureaucrats. Each of these actors adds strength, vigor, guidance, and direction to struggle. However, most adversely

affected people like tribals, villagers, fishermen, etc. constitute the base of the struggle.

              There are different strategies employed in environmental movements. Firstly question and compare the possible benefit from such projects in comparison to environmental damage and loss of livelihood to the affected people. Most projects are hailed as development-oriented and therefore, they are likely to be fought back as anti-people, anti-national, anti-development, anti-progress, etc.

Q.  Discuss the impact of environmental movements in India.

A.  One major impact is movements have raised the issue of redefining our understanding of market, society, state, science, and nature. The issue of preserving diversity and plurality in society & nature is well-raised by environment movements. The environment movements have by and large remained “diverse and scattered”.

Their overall impact is uneven. Along with failures, there have been successes too. The Silent Valley movement’s impact was positive, successful and trendsetting The Doon Valley environment movement was partly successful. But at many other places, though, the movements are launched, intensified but not successful. Bhopal Gas disaster successfully drew the attention of the nation and the world but it has not succeeded in preventing hazardous products and processes. 

                Despite the persistence of struggles, thousands of people are displaced yearly due to large development projects. On the other hand, the movement has made a major contribution to give

centrality and public space to the cause of environment protection. This is a historic achievement as never before so much concern, awareness, involvement, and participation were witnessed. The government has made many policies on forests, wildlife, wastelands, water, air, and soil conservation. But there is a wide gap between the rising concern and actual action by the state. Interestingly, no political party, trade union or peasant organizations have made this to be their issue. The environment movements remain exposed to the dangers of gaps between

concern/thought and action; fragmented, co-optation, manipulation and distortion by government and vested interests.

Q. Silent Valley Movement.

A. This movement originated in Kerala. It is one of the earliest landmarks in the recent history of environmental movements in the direction of preserving the environment by people’s own struggle and agitation in India. The reasons for its origin lie in Kerala Government’s proposal to build a dam on the Kuntipuzha river in the early 1970s. The government’s concern was to generate prosperity for the state through increased industrialization. This was not happening because of the shortage of electricity in the state. The prime aim of building the dam was to generate power for industries. The construction of the dam was to cover 77 sq.kms. as a catchment area. As a consequence, India’s richest tropical forest, known as Silent Valley was to be flooded and submerged. It is interesting to note that unlike in most such cases, there was no

problem of displacement and rehabilitation of the people as the dam was to be constructed at a location where there was no human settlement. In this sense, the Silent Valley movement was the first purely and primarily fought environment movement. The odds against the movement were heavy. 

             The state government of Kerala was in total control of the issue as all the political parties and industrial lobby was in full support of the scheme and backed the government. The KSSP successfully mobilized local opinion against the dam and managed to rope in environmental experts like botanists, zoologists of international repute like Salim Ali, well-known economists, and engineers. This move strengthened the KSSP’s argument and position vis-a-vis the government’s technical teams. It forcefully presented its argument against the scheme on the grounds of adverse environmental consequences on “a rare ecosystem, rich in biological and genetic diversity”. 

                The KSSP went a step ahead as a strategy and argued that the required electricity could be generated easily by setting up thermal power stations in dispersed locations as well as by improving the power transmission systems. The KSSP was able to give this controversy the status of a genuine public debate far beyond the state. National attention was drawn. Furious debates, persistent campaigns, and constant relentless lobbying through the media, parliament and expert committees made dropping the idea of the dam in Silent Valley possible.

Chipko Movement

This movement was basically concerned with the preservation and protection of forests. It was an environmental movement for maintaining the ecological balance in the sub-Himalayan region of Uttar Pradesh. Four districts of Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Tehri, and Pauri form Garhwal division and cover a total area of 27,000 sq.kms. and about 14 lakhs population. It is interesting to note that due to the migratory nature of labor there are more females than males in this area. Employment is very low in this region. There are 97 percent working women as cultivators while only 72 percent of men are cultivators. Males work in the army and hence women are left behind to manage land, livestock, and household. Chipko is also interpreted as the feminist movement because of this. This movement originated in the Dasohli Gram Swarajya Mandal in Gopeshwar of Chamoli district. The movement was initiated by Gandhian Sarvodaya workers. The Sarvodaya workers were active in this area for about 13 years through various rural reconstruction work.

        The movement began on 24 April 1973. There was a historical

conflict of interests over forest and timber rights in this area between local villagers and Sarvodaya workers on one hand and timber contractors and forest bureaucrats on the other. The contractors were able to exert more influence over forest bureaucracy and local politicians to corner the forest benefits. Previous to Chipko mobilization, stirrings against the government’s forest policy and the department had taken place in this region too. The forest department rejected the Sarvodaya workers’ demand for 10 ash trees per annum for its farm tools workshop set up with the support from Khadi Gramodyog Commission. But it allotted 300 ash trees to the Simon Company for manufacturing sports goods like tennis rackets etc. The primacy thus was accorded to tennis rackets over the self-subsisting needs of the poor cultivator’s ploughs. The cutting of these 300 trees by Company agent was started in March 1973. Sarvodaya workers and 100 other villagers marched from the nearby areas to Gopeshwar.

               As a result of this resistance by the villagers, the company men beat retreat. In order to appease the protesters, the forest department showed readiness to concede one ash tree to Sarvodaya workers, if they let the Simon Company cut trees of its original quota. The temptation was raised to two, three, five and ten ash trees of full quota but it was rejected. The Simon’s quota was canceled but re-allotted in Phata Forest in another part of the district. In June 1973, other local leaders organized resistance and launched the Chipko movement. The trees were guarded by the village up to end December when the permit will automatically lose its validity.