EHI - 4

2nd Part 

Q.  Discuss briefly the power politics during Bairam Khan's regency.          

A.  At Humayun's death, Akbar was only thirteen years old. It was his tutor and Humayun's confidant, Bairam Khan. who served as the regent from 1556-1560. The period of Bairam Khan's regency could be divided into four phases: The first was from the accession of Akbar to before the second battle of Panipat; i.e., January-

October 1556. This was a period when the nobles accepted Bairam Khan's leadership to protect their interests. The second phase was marked by the second battle of Panipat and the arrival of the royal ladies (Hamida Banu Begum and Maham Anaga) in India. During this period, Bairam Khan was in absolute control of the state affairs. He attempted to create a personal following. In the third phase, which lasted till mid-1559, Bairam Khan's influence and power declined. The last phase witnessed the attempts of Bairam Khan to regain control. There was also the growth of factional strife which ultimately led to the dismissal of Bairam Khan.

              On the assumption of the office as wakil-us Sultanat, Bairam khan began the process of eliminating all those nobles who would challenge him. Subsequently, all such nobles who posed a challenge to Bairam Khan were sent to Kabul. Tensions were developing in the nobility and it was on the verge of crisis by the second battle of Panipat. The imperial forces led by Tardi Beg failed to defend themselves against the Afghan forces at the Battle of Tughlaqabad. At this juncture, trying to assert himself, Bairam Khan, without the sanction of the emperor, ordered the execution of Tardi Beg on charges of treachery leading to dissensions in the

nobility. But the victory at Panipat revived Bairam Khan's power. He further strengthened his position by distributing titles and jagirs in the Doab and granting promotions and rewards to his loyalists. He also gave important positions to his favorites. 

        The decline in Bairam Khan's power started when Akbar was married to, the daughter of Mirza Abdullah Mughal despite his resistance and the arrival of Hamida Banu Begum and Maham Anaga from Kabul in April 1557. By 1558, he had to share power with leading nobles. Bairam Khan as wakil could not place any proposal before the king without the consent of leading nobles which diminished his power. To regain his power, he attempted a coup in 1559 by promoting several low ranking officials which created resentment among the nobility and isolated him. Further, he had made no attempt to win the confidence of the king Akbar and thus dismissed in March 1560.

Q.  Discuss the expansion of the Mughal Empire in India up to end of Akbar's reign 

A. After overcoming initial problems and consolidating his hold on the throne, Akbar started a policy of extending Mughal territories. Any policy of expansion meant conflict with various political powers spread in different parts of the country. 

North and Central India

The first expedition was sent to capture Gawaliar and Jaunpur in 1559-60. After a brief war, Ram Shah surrendered the Gwalior fort. Khan Zaman was sent to Jaunpur ruled by Afghans who were defeated easily and it was annexed to the Mughal Empire. Malwa in central India was ruled by Baz Bahadur. Adham Khan and others led the expedition against Malwa. Baz Bahadur was defeated and fled towards Burhanpur.

          Next, Garh Katanga or Gondwana, an independent state in central India ruled by Rani Durgawati, widow of Dalpat Shah, was conquered in 1564. Later, in 1567, Akbar handed over the kingdom to Chandra Shah, the brother of Dalpat Shah.

Western India

Conquest of Rajputana

Akbar realized that to have a stable Empire, he must subjugate the large tracts under Rajput kings in the neighboring region of Rajputana. A calculated policy was devised not only to conquer these areas but to turn their rulers into allies. Akbar with the exception of Chittor's Rana Pratap managed to secure the allegiance of all the Rajput kingdoms. A large number of them Were absorbed in the Mughal nobility and helped Akbar in expanding and consolidating the Mughal Empire.

Conquest of Gujarat

Having consolidated his position in Central India and Rajputana, Akbar turned towards Gujarat in 1572. Gujarat, apart from being a fertile region, had a number of busy pons and thriving commercial centers. Sultan Muzaffer Shah III was the nominal king claiming an overlord-ship over 7 warring principalities. One of the princes, I'timad Khan, had invited Akbar to come and conquer it. Akbar himself marched to Ahmedabad. The town was captured without any serious resistance. Surat with a strong fortress offered some resistance but was also captured. In a short time, most of the principalities of Gujarat were subdued. Akbar organized Gujarat into a province and placed-it under Mirza Aziz Koka and returned to the capital.

Eastern India

           Ever since the defeat of Humayun at the hands of Sher Shah, Bengal and Bihar were governed by Afghans. In 1564, Sulaiman Karrani the governor of Bihar brought Bengal also under his rule. Sulaiman realizing the growing strength of Akbar had acknowledged the overlordship of the Mughals. After his death in 1572 his younger son, Daud came to occupy his throne. Daud refused to acknowledge Mughal sovereignty and got engaged in conflict with the Mughal governor of Jaunpur. In 1574, Akbar along with Mun'im Khan, Khan-i Khanan marched towards Bihar. In a short time, Hajipur and Patna were captured and Daud fled towards Garhi. Gaur (Bengal) was also taken by Mughal forces. Parts of Orissa were still under some Afghan Chiefs. Around 1592, Mansingh brought the whole of Orissa under the Mughal rule.

Conquests in the North-West

After the death of Hakim Mirza, Kabul was annexed and given to'Raja Man Singh in jagir. At around the same time, Akbar decided to settle the various rebellions in the North-West Frontier region and conquer new areas.

Conquest of Kashmir

Akbar for a long time had his eyes set on conquering Kashmir. While camping in Atak, he decided to despatch an army for the conquest of Kashmir under Raja Bhagwan Das and Shah Quli Mahram. Yusuf Khan, the king of Kashmir, was defeated and he accepted the suzerainty of Mughals. Yusuf’s son Yaqub along with a few amirs decided to oppose the Mughals and waged war. Finally, the Mughals emerged victorious and Kashmir was annexed to the Mughal Empire in 1586.

Conquest of Thatta: 

Another region in the North-West which was still independent was Thatta in Sindh. Akbar appointed Khan-i-Khanan as governor of Multan and asked him to conquer Sindh and subdue Bilochis in 1590. Thatta was annexed and placed under the governor of Multan as a sarkar in that suba. Finally, by the year 1595, the complete supremacy of Mughals over the North-West region was established.

Deccan and South

Akbar had started taking interest in Deccan states of Ahmednagar, Bijapur, and Golkonda after the conquest of Gujarat and Malwa. The earlier contacts were limited to, the visits of emissaries or casual contacts. After 1590, Akbar started a planned Deccan policy to bring these states under Mughal control. Around this time, the

Deccan states were facing internal strife and regular conflicts. In 1598, Prince Daniyal and Khan Khanan were sent to Deccan. ' Akbar, too, joined them. First, Ahmednagar was captured. Next, Asirgarh and adjoining regions were conquered by the Mughals

(A.D. 1600). Adil Shab of Bijapur also expressed allegiance and offered his daughter in marriage to Prince Daniyal. Now Mughal territories in the Deccan included Asirgarh, Burhanpur, Ahmednagar, and Berar.

Q.  What was the Mughal attitude towards autonomous chieftains? Elaborate with special reference to Akbar.                

A.   In his efforts to consolidate the Mughal Empire, Akbar concentrated his attention towards different chieftains also. Chieftains were the ruling dynasties spread throughout the country. These rulers enjoyed a different sort of relationship with the Mughals. On the one hand, they were free to carry out administration within their territories. On the other hand, they held a subordinate position vis-a-vis the Mughal Emperor. 

               Akbar's success lies in the fact that lie could enlist the support of this group for the stability of his Empire. The subsequent Mughal Emperors also followed more or less the similar path. Chieftains were not confined to peripheral areas of the Empire but were also found in the core regions in the subas of Delhi, Agra, Awadh, and Allahabad. The largest number of these chieftains were Rajputs but they belonged to all castes including Muslims. The chieftains were a powerful group possessing large infantry, cavalry and hundreds of miles of land area yielding vast amounts of revenue. Akbar's initial contacts with the chieftains were through skirmishes and wars. In many cases, the chieftains joined.hands with Afghan and Mughal rebels. In the process of the conquests and consolidation of Mughal power, Akbar got the support and submission of chieftains. The relations between chiefs and the Mughals can be summarised as follows:

1)  After the conquest of or submission, they were generally left free to administer their territories. They also had the authority to collect revenue, impose taxes, levies and transit tax, etc. In the collection of revenue, the chieftains generally followed

local practices rather than the Mughal regulations.

2)  These autonomous chieftains were taken into military service of the Mughals. They were given jagirs and a mansab. It is estimated that around 61 chiefs were given mansab during Akbar's reign. The same trend continued during the reigns of successive Mughal Emperors.

3)  In many cases where chieftains were not directly absorbed as mansabdars, they are found helping the Mughal army in their operation against enemy territories or suppression of rebellions. They throughout the Mughal rule helped in conquering extensive areas, at times even against their own clansmen.

4)  Apart from providing military help, they were given important administrative positions like subadar (governors), diwan, Bakshi, etc.

5)  Often they were assigned their own territories as jagir called as watan jagir which was hereditary and non-transferable.

6)  An interesting characteristic of their relations was that the Mughal Emperor retained the right to recognize the chieftain as the ruler in case of disputes within the family. At the same time, those who had accepted the Mughal suzerainty were extended military protection.

7)  The chieftains were supposed to pay a regular tribute to the Mughal Emperor called peshkash. It is difficult to ascertain the exact nature of this peshkash. This was at times in cash and at others in diamonds, gold, elephants or other rarities. Apart from being a source of revenue, the payment of peshkash was a symbol of submission to the Mughals.

8)  A number of matrimonial alliances were also established between Mughal royal family and the chieftains. 

            The Mughal policy towards chieftains initiated under Akbar continued during the reigns of subsequent Mughal Emperors. The policy of absorbing them into the Mughal nobility paid rich dividends to the Empire. The Mughal Emperor succeeded in getting the support of chieftains and their armies for new conquests. As part of Mughal nobility, their help was also available for administring a large Empire. In addition, a friendly relationship with them ensured peace for the Empire. At the same time, the chieftains also benefited. Now they could retain their territories and administer them as they wished. In addition, they received jagir and mansab. Often they got territories in jagir bigger than their kingdoms. It also provided them security against enemies and rebellions.

Q.  Discuss the political situation in India on the eve of Babur's invasion. 

A.        The first half of the fifteenth century witnessed political instability with the disintegration of the Tughluq dynasty. Both the Saiyyad (1414-1451) and the Lodi (1451-1526) rulers failed to cope with the disruptive forces. The nobles resented and rebelled at the earliest opportunity. The political chaos in the North-West provinces had weakened the center. 

          In Central India, there were three kingdoms: Gujarat, Malwa, and Mewar. The power of Sultan Mahmud Khalji II of Malwa was, however, on the decline. Gujarat was ruled by Muzaffar Shah II , while Mewar under the leadership of Sisodia ruler Rana Sanga was the most powerful kingdom. Rulers of Malwa were under the constant pressure of the Lodis, Mewar, and Gujarat. This was because it was not only the most fertile region and an important source for elephant supply but it also provided an important trade route to Gujarat sea-ports. Hence, it was an important region for the Lodis. Besides, for both Gujarat and Mewar it could serve as a buffer against the Lodis. 

              The Sultan of Malwa was an incompetent ruler, and his prime minister Medini Rai could hardly hold the kingdom intact for long in the wake of internal strifes. Finally, Rana Sanga succeeded in extending his influence over Malwa and Gujarat. By the close of the 15th century, Rana Sanga's sway over Rajputana became almost

complete with the occupation of Ranthambhor & Chanderi. Further south, there were powerful Vijaynagar and Bahmani kingdoms and towards the east, Nusrat Shah ruled Bengal.

            Towards the closing years of Ibrahim Lodi's reign, Afghan chieftains Nasir Khan Lohani, Ma'ruf Farmuli, etc. succeeded in carving out a separate kingdom of Jaunpur under Sultan Muhammad Shah. Besides these major powers, there were numerous Afghan chieftaincies around Agra - the most powerful ones being those of Hasan Khan in Mewat, Nizam Khan in Bayana, Muhammad Zaitun in Dholpur, Tatar Khan Sarang Khani in Gwalior, Husain Khan Lohani in Rapri. Qutub Khan in Etawa,

Alam Khan in Kalpi, and Qasim Sambhali in Sambhal, etc.

           On the eve of Babur's invasion, there was a confederacy of Rajput principalities which was ready to seize the control of Hindustan. It is held that had Babur not intervened, the Rajputs led by their illustrious leader Rana Sanga would have captured power in northern India. It is argued that the political division of the regional states was religious in nature and that Rajput confederacy under Rana Sanga fired by religious zeal wanted to establish a Hindu Empire. This assumption is based on the famous passage of Baburnama where Babur says that Hindustan was governed by 'five Musalman rulers': the Lodis (at the center), Gujarat, Malwa, 'Bahmani, and Bengal, and two 'pagans' (Rana Sanga of Mewar and Vijaynagar). Besides, the fathnama issued after the battle of Khanwa suggests that Rajput confederacy under Rana was inspired by religious zeal and organized with the intention to overthrow the "Islamic power".

Q.  How far do you agree with the view that Mughal relations with Persia revolved around the issue of `Qandahar'? Elaborate in the context of Mughal - Persian relations.                                

A.  After Babur's death (1530), Kamran, Humayun's brother, held his principality of Kabul, Qandahar and the territories extending up to Lahore firmly against the Persians. In 1534-35, the Persian prince Sam Mirza & his noble Aghziwar Khan were involved in a feud with Kamran and Khwaja Kalan (governor of Qandahar). However, Aghziwar Khan was killed in the encounter and Sam Mirza returned to Herat, thus Shah Tahmasp lead an expedition against the Mughals in 1537. Khwaja Kalan surrendered the fort of Qandahar to the Shah leading to the fall of surrounding territories. In 1537-38 Kamran again conquered Qandahar as Shah Tahmasp was beset by turmoil in Azerbaijan. Later Humayun seized Qandahar from its Persian commander Budagh Khan on September 1545.

            Humayun's death in 1556 reopened the issue of Qandahar. The seizure of Qandahar by the Shah had strained Persian relations. It was because of this that Tahmasp's embassy in 1562 under Said Beg to Akbar (to condole Humayun's death and to congratulate him on his accession) remained unanswered. There was no communication on part of Akbar although Persians under different rulers tried, as Akbar was unhappy with the Persians over the loss of Qandahar. 

           Mughal forces finally entered Qandahar and conquered Zamindawar and Qarmsir in March 1594-1595. Thereafter, in 1596, Akbar sent his first embassy to Shah Abbas through Khwaja Ashraf Naqshbandi. An organized Persian invasion on Qandahar region in the last days of Akbar's reign (22 October 1605) followed by the advance of Persian forces in February 1606 for the conquest of Qandahar was the beginning of hostilities between the two rulers, still the Persian invasion proved to be a fiasco as they failed in capturing Qandahar.

            After Akbar, there were cordial relations established between Persian ruler Shah Abbas and Jehangir for some time. By winning over the trust of Jahangir and thus taking the small Mughal detachment unaware, Shah Abbas occupied Qandahar on 11 June 1622. Shah Abbas tried to assuage Jahangir's anger over the loss of Qandahar by sending two successive embassies. Another embassy arrived under Aqa Muhammad in October 1625. Jahangir's reply to this letter was marked by diplomatic silence over the Qandahar affair.

            Shah Jahan was eager to seize the first opportunity to regain Qandahar and had not only given a warm welcome to the rebel Persian Chief Sher Khan but had also proposed a joint attack on Persia (from India, Turan, and Turkey under the Ottomans) in his letter to Murad IV. On 26 February 1638, the Mughal contingent entered Qandahar and Qilij Khan was appointed as its governor. After the capture of Qandahar, Shah Jahan tried to placate Shah Safi and even offered to make an annual payment of a sum equal to the revenues of Qandahar. Due to the inefficiency of Mughals, in December 1648 Shah easily occupied Qandahar.

Q.  Discuss the nature of Mughal relations with the Uzbegs of Central Asia.   

OR  

QQ.  Write a brief note on Mughal- Uzbeg relations.            

A.  With the expulsion of Babur from Central Asia, the traditional hostility between the Mughals and the Uzbegs was suspended for a while but the Mughals never forgot the loss of their ancestral' kingdom. Despite a persistent desire of the Mughals to conquer Transoxiana, it was difficult. Nevertheless, Babur's exhortations to Humayun to reconquer some parts of Transoxiana and the latter's unsuccessful attempts continued. However, these were without any lasting effects as Mughal territorial possessions in India were yet to be consolidated and extended. A new chapter begins in the

history of Mughal-Uzbeg relations with the emergence of Abdullah Khan (1560-98) who tried to establish vital contacts with Akbar. 

         The Mughal-Uzbeg relations under Akbar can be discussed in three phases - (1) 1572-1577, (2) 1583-1589 and (3) 1589-1598.

First Phase (1572-1577)  - 

        It was neither the expectation of some military assistance from Akbar nor a question of exploring the possibility of making an alliance against the Persian Empire which prompted Abdullah to send two embassies in 1572 and 1577. These two embassies were probing and appeasing missions sent for the following purposes.

a) To ascertain Akbar's attitude towards Persia and Qandahar;

b) To find out his general policy in relation to Badakhshan and, if possible,

c) To mislead Akbar about his own designs on Badakhshan.

           An embassy was sent in 1578 to Akbar by Abdullah with a proposal for a joint attack on Persia which was rejected by Akbar and thus no further embassies were sent to Akbar for about a decade. 

Second Phase (1583-1589) 

After a lapse of several years, Abdullah sent another embassy to Akbar in 1586. Akbar responded by sending Hakim Humeim in 1586 as his envoy. The purpose of this embassy was not to seek the cooperation of Akbar for an attack on Persia but to prevent him from sending any assistance to the Persian ruler. 

Third Phase (1589-1598)

The despatch of Ahmad Ali Ataliq from Abdullah's court marks the beginning of the third phase in the Uzbeg-Mughal relations. Through the letter sent with this envoy, Abdullah sought friendship and sent counsel and proposed to make Hindukush the boundary. between the two powers. Nevertheless, the formal acceptance, of this offer of peace was confirmed by Akbar only in 1596 after the conquest of Qandahar. After the conquest of Qandahar, Akbar felt the need of reviving his contacts with Abdullah Khan. Since after .the occupation of Qandahar, the Mughal forces had engaged themselves in an armed conflict with the Uzbegs over the possessions of Garmsir and Zamindawar. After the occupation of Qandahar, Akbar realized the urgency of sending an embassy to Abdullah through Khwaja Ashraj Naqshbandi and showed his willingness to accept the Hindukush as the boundary between the two kingdoms.

                 Jahangir's relations with Turan were predominantly determined by his relations with Persia. Although his love for Turan is visible in his autobiography, the conquest of Turan was not included in his plans. In the first decade of his rule, Jahangir maintained no active political relations with the Uzbegs except for attempting to forestall any probable expansionist design on his frontiers. 

                With the accession of Shah Jahan, the Uzbeg-Mughal relations took a new turn. The underlying objective of Shah Jahan's foreign policy was three-fold:

i) The recovery of Qandahar;

ii) The reconquest of the "ancestral land"; and

iii) The hegemony over Deccan.

             For this purpose, he wanted to ensure the friendship of both the contemporary powers of Persia and Transoxiana alternatively when Qandahar and Transoxiana were invaded. After the capture of Qandahar in 1638, Shah Jahan's sole aim was to conquer his 'ancestral land' of Transoxiana. As the Uzbeg Empire was passing through a phase of anarchy, the Mughal forces took advantage and successfully entered Balkh in early 1646. The conquest of Balkh and other territories proved easier for Shah Jahan than their occupation. The conquest at the same time was hazardous, too, due to a variety of factors. These included lack of adequate means of communication, the severity of climate, the staggering cost in men, money, and material and the hostility of the local population. The evacuation was also difficult for the Mughals and was equally unpleasant.

Q.  Discuss the Mughal relations with Persia.                   

A.  Apart from Qandahar, the Deccan problem was another point of conflict between the Persians and the Mughals. The Deccan Shia ruling dynasties (Qutubul Mulk of Golconda and Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar) were driven by the Mughal threat towards the Persians due to their "mutual sectarian affinity". The Perso-Deccan contacts also increased due to io immigrants from Persia holding high positions at the court. Under Jahangir, the Mughal offensive on Ahmadnagar and Bijapur led by Shali Jahan and Khan Khanan compelled the Deccanis to request for Persian intercession. Envoys from Quli Qutbshah (1590-1611) and Malik Ambar - the 'commander-in-chief of Nizamshah - invoked the sympathy of Shah Abbas who went to the extent of offering a slice of Persia in exchange for the safety of the Deccan states. A decade of diplomatic silence in the Mughal-Persian relations was broken when the Deccan problem cropped up. The occupation of Ahmadnagar by the Mughals in 1633 and the subjugation of Golconda in 1636 strengthened the Mughal position. The relations between the Mughals and the Persians continued to remain strained even after Aurangzeb usurped the Mughal throne. 

Q.  Humayun's relations with the Eastern Afghans                 or

Q.  Discuss Humayun's struggle with the Afghans. What were the main reasons for his defeat?      

A.  The Afghans defeat at the hands of Humayun (siege of Chunar November 1531) resulted in the flight of Afghan nobles to Gujarat. This created a political vacuum in the east, providing an opportunity for Sher Khan to consolidate his power. The period between 1530-35 proved crucial for Sher Shah. Circumstances also favored Sher Shah as Humayun decided to tackle the Bahadur Shah of Gujarat first. During this period Sher Shah was left free to consolidate himself. Sher Shah had to face two invasions of Bengal rulers. The first attack took place under Qutub Khan, the muqti' of Munger in 1532-33 during Sultan Nusrat Shah's reign, and, the second under lbrahim Khan during Sultan Mahmud Shah's reign (1534). However, Bengal's armies were defeated on both occasions. These successes completely exposed the weakness of the Bengal army and raised the prestige of Sher Khan. The eastern Afghans who had earlier deserted him now rushed to serve under his banner. Besides, the destruction and death of Bahadur Shah by Humayun left the Afghans with no alternative but to join him against the Mughals. 

             Sher Shah wanted to establish himself as the undisputed Afghan leader. This time (1535) he took the offensive and defeated the Bengal army in the battle of Surajgarh. This grand success against Bengal, followed by his attacks on the Mughal territories

in the east (from Gorakhpur to Banaras) alarmed Humayun. Humayun deputed Hindu Beg as governor (hakim) of Jaunpur to keep an eye on the developments in the eastern region. But, Sher Shah, acting cautiously on the one hand-assured Hindu Beg of his loyalty, while on the other utilized the time for strengthening his army for his next onslaught on Mughals. As soon his preparations were over, he wrote a threatening letter to Hindu Beg. Sher Shah utilized the time and captured Gaur (April 1538), the capital of Bengal. In order to curb Sher Shah's power, Humayun reached Bengal (September 1538) while Sher Shah shrewdly withdrew from Bengal.  

                 In the meantime, Sher Shah succeeded in controlling the routes to Agra thus making communication difficult for Humayun, To add to Humayun's worries, Hindal Mirza, who was sent to gather supplies for his army, assumed sovereign power. Humayun hurried back to Chunar and reached Chausa (March 1539) Sher Shah knowing fully well the paucity of Humayun's provisions, equipment and transport wasted no time and attacked the Mughal army, defeating Humayun. Sher Shah, elated by his victory, proclaimed himself an independent king.  Under these circumstances, the final clash was inevitable. 

               Humayun was defeated badly in the battle of Qannauj the banks of Ganga (1540). This paved the way for the establishment of the second Afghan empire in India. A number of factors had contributed to Humayun's debacle against Sher Shah. These include:

i) He faced hostility from his brothers. On many occasions, he dealt with them too kindly.

ii) Sometimes he reacted lethargically when the situation demanded swift action. This can be seen well in his Gujarat and Bengal campaigns.

iii) He was also the victim of an 'inexorable fate'. For example, Mahmud Shah of Bengal kept him unnecessarily involved in Bengal politics. This provided an opportunity for Sher Shah to gain strength.

iv) Humayun also lacked financial resources for continuous warfare: This weakness became very much evident when in Bengal he got stranded and lacked money and supplies (1539).

v) Besides, Sher Shah had the courage, experience and organizing abilities; he was also skilled in exploiting political opportunities. Humayun could not match his capabilities.