8th Part
Q. Midterm Elections.
A. As per the provisions of the Indian Constitution, the routine election should take place every five years, but in case of the untimely dissolution of the house (Lok Sabha in case of Parliament or Vidhan Sabha in case of State Assembly) for whatever reasons, the next election should take place as soon as possible. Though most of the Lok Sabha elections have been held after the completion of the five years of the term of the house, yet there have been elections much before the schedule. When elections are held much before the scheduled, it is considered as the "Mid-term Election". The Lok Sabha elections of 1980, 199 1, 1998 and 1999 were the midterm elections held much before the schedule.
Q. Discuss the composition & role of Election Commission.
A. Composition - The Election Commission shall consist of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other Election Commissioners, as the President may from time to time fix and make an appointment. As per the elections laws, if the Election Commission becomes the multi-member body, the Chief Election Commissioner has to act as the Chairman of the Election Commission. From the beginning, the Election Commission consisted of the Chief Election Commissioner only. But it was only in the year 1989, a few weeks before the 9th Lok Sabha elections,
the Election Commission was made a multi-member body by the then Congress government. The National Front government amended the rules in the year 1990 to again make the Election Commission, a single-member body. But in the year 1993, when Congress came back to power, it promulgated an ordinance to again make it a multi-member body. The two Election Commissioners were appointed and since then, the Election Commission had remained to be a three-member body. To date, there had been12 Election Commissioners in India. Mr. Sukumar Sen was the first Election Commissioner of India.
Role - The role and functions of EC are included in part XV of the Constitution. The Election Commission of India is the highest constitutional authority to conduct elections in India. The power of superintendence, direction, and control of the election process vests with the EC. The preparation of the electoral rolls for conducting all elections to Parliament and to the Legislature of every state and also of the election to the office of the President and the Vice- President are vested with Election Commission.
It is the duty of the Election Commission to make all necessary arrangements possible so that the voters can cast their votes without any fear or coercion. The entire election procedure takes a couple of months to be completed. Election Commission responsibility starts with declaring the schedule for holding the
election and concludes with the counting of votes and declaration of winning candidates from each constituency. The Election Commission tries to ensure that a polling booth is located not more than a distance of 2 km of every voter and the polling booth should
not have more than 1200 registered voters. On the polling day, all the polling booths are expected to be open for at least 8 hours. Safety and security to voters so that they can cast their votes without coercion is also the responsibility of EC.
Q. Mention the stages through which the election process passes.
A. The entire election procedure takes a couple of months to be completed. Though the schedule for holding the election is announced by the Election Commission of India well in advance, the actual process begins by a formal declaration by the Election Commission of India calling upon a constituency to elect its representative. This is what is referred to as the Notification. The second stage is that of Filling of the Nomination by those desiring to contest elections. Earlier, ten days period was given to all the candidates for filing their nomination papers. But with the constitutional amendment act 1961, the total number of days for filing of nomination had been reduced to seven. As of now, the 7th day from the day of notification is the last day for filing of the nomination papers. In case the 7th day is a holiday, the day immediately after that is considered as the last day for filing nomination papers.
The third step is the Scrutiny of Nominations. Earlier the second day after the nomination was fixed for scrutiny of nominations, but with the constitutional 47th amendment act, 1966, the day immediately after the nomination is fixed for the scrutiny of the nominations. The next step is Withdrawal of Candidates, which was earlier fixed for the third day after the scrutiny of the nominations, but later amended in the year 1966. At present, the second day after the scrutiny is the last date for the withdrawal of the candidates. In case that day happens to be a holiday the day immediately after that is fixed as the last day for withdrawal.
The next stage of the election before the voting takes place is that of Campaigning. This is the time when the political parties put forward their candidates and arguments with which they hope to persuade people to vote for their candidates and parties. Earlier the campaign period lasted for three weeks, but since 1996, the time of the campaign period had been reduced to only two weeks' time. As of now, the official campaign lasts for two weeks from the date when the final list is put up by the Election Commission and officially ends 48 hours before the polling takes place. During the campaign period, the political parties and contesting candidates are
expected to abide by a model code of conduct evolved by the Election Commission of India on the basis of a consensus among political parties. The model code lays down broad guidelines as to how the political parties and contesting candidates should conduct themselves during the election campaign. It is intended to maintain
the election campaign on healthy lines, avoid clashes and conflicts between political parties and their supporters and to ensure peace and order during the campaign and till the results are declared.
The campaigning is carried out in the form of a slogan shouting, distributing pamphlets and posters, rallies and meetings in the constituency. During this period, the candidates try to travel through their constituency, to influence as many voters as possible to vote in his favor. The political parties and the candidates contesting election spend large sum of money on their election campaign, but there is a legal limit on how much a candidate call spend on his election campaign. For most of the Lok Sabha constituencies, the legal limit for expenditure campaign has been fixed for Rs. 15 Lakhs though in some states the limit is of Rs.6 Lakhs. The legal limit for campaign expenditure for the Vidhan Sabha election had been fixed for Rs. 6 Lakhs and in some states, it has been fixed for Rs.3Lakhs.
The final stage of selection is Voting. With regard to polling, the earlier practice had been to have single day polling, but the recent practice has been for the phased polling in which polling takes place on more than one day with a gap of a couple of days between the two days of polling. This facilitates the movement of security forces from one place to another, which is engaged in managing law and order situation during the polling.
Q. Explain the nature of the relationship between caste and class in India.
A. According to some scholars, the caste system is essentially a class system. It was essentially so in the early formative years. The classes were: Rajanyas or the Kshatriyas, the aristocracy, the Brahmins, the priests, the Vaishyas, the people at large, mainly peasants and traders, and the Shudras, the service communities. There are various theories about the origin of the system. Some believe that the system was created by the Divine Power for maintaining harmony in society. While others believe that the system has been evolved in course of time with the development of
economic surplus thus came into existence with economic divisions.
A number of village studies of different parts of the country
carried out in the post-independent period show a correlation between twin hierarchies of caste and land. The village community consisted of hierarchical groups, each with its own rights, duties, and privileges. The caste at the top had power and privileges, which were denied to the lower castes. The lower castes were tenants,
servants, landless laborers, debtors and clients of the higher castes." Data from two Tamilnadu villages in the late 'seventies show that 59 percent of Mudaliyars (upper castes) and 4 percent of Palli (untouchable castes) are rich peasants or landlord households. A study of six Rajasthan villages carried out by K.L.Sharma in the
'seventies offers a similar pattern' where the majority of landowners belong to upper caste.
The Anthropological Survey of India in its Project on "People of India" has studied 4635 communities/castes. The study confirms that the highly placed castes are marked by -
(i) a higher position in the regional social and ritual hierarchy,
(ii) better control over land and other resources, and
(iii) non-commercial relations with other communities of inferior status
The low castes are placed at the bottom due to their :
(i) abject poverty caused by less possession of the land and less control over economic resources
(ii) social and ritual degradation based on the notion of purity and pollution, and
(iii) traditional engagement in occupations which are considered ritually unclean
Aggregate data at regional and national levels on caste and occupation\land holding or class give us a similar picture. According to data collected by the National Sample Survey (NSS) in 1952, there is a positive relationship between caste and occupational status. The small and marginal farmers. and agricultural laborers mainly belong to the low or backward castes and ex-untouchable (scheduled) castes while the reverse is true for upper castes and their landholdings. However, one should not ignore that a small proportion of lower and scheduled caste households are rich peasants who hire labor and produce a marketable surplus. Similarly, according to the NSS data, I percent of the upper castes and 12 percent of the middle castes are agricultural laborers. Moreover, it may also be noted that there are a few upper castes in some parts of the country whose majority members do not belong to the upper class.
Though the upper castes try to maintain their higher status,
the middle and lower castes have successfully tried to change their status. Having improved their economic condition, a dominant section of some of the low castes, including the groups, which were at one time treated as untouchables, imitated customs and norms of the upper castes residing in their vicinity. Sociologists call this process as Sanskritisation. One also comes across instances of some castes or even individuals who have succeeded in improving their status even without adhering to the norms and rituals of the upper castes. Acquiring political authority facilitates not only the power holder - ruler - but also his extended family to enjoy a higher social status in the caste hierarchy. One can cite instances in history, which show that Shudras and Ati-Shudras having the occupying position of power have acquired the status of Kshatriyas
even without following the path of Sanskritisation.
Q. Discuss the nature of the relationship between elections and social change.
A. The whole process of elections has politically awakened society by making people aware of their rights & hence deepening democracy. Large scale participation of the people and the entry of the groups like Dalits and OBCs into the electoral processes made India more democratic. Reservation of seats for the SCs, the STs at all levels of the legislative bodies - national, state and the local, and with the passage of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments has enabled even the women and the OBCs to get elected to the seats reserved for them in the village panchayats & municipalities. These sections have not only been elected to various legislative bodies but have become the Chief Ministers, ministers, and the President of the country. However, women's entry has not been a smooth process. In fact, in a large number of cases, especially in the village panchayats, the women elected members are the proxies of male members of their families.
One negative outcome due to elections on the society is a large number of elected representatives have a criminal background or have criminal cases registered against them reaching the assemblies. One major shortcoming of the electoral process which is exploited by anti-social elements is, those who do not possess the resources, have no connections with the criminals, etc., find it difficult to contest elections. Generally, the candidates are given tickets by the political parties on the considerations whether the candidates can muster the support of numerically larger castes and communities and possesses enough resources. Even the electorates
vote on the caste and communal lines.
The relationship between the politicians and criminals exists in the elections at all levels parliamentary, state legislative
assemblies and councils, and panchayats and municipalities. Such nexus increased since the 1990s. This is a reflection of erosion in the credibility of democratic values. Because of the decisive role of the crime, caste, communalism, and corruption, the real problems of the people - law and order, development- health, education, basic needs of the people are relegated to the secondary position. Though these issues are also raised by the politicians in every election, it is mainly done as rhetoric.
Q. Discuss the role of caste in Indian politics.
A. The numerical strength of a group is important in a democratic polity. All the castes do not have equal numerical strength and spread in a geographical region - village, the cluster of villages, taluka or district. A few are very large, some are small and some are minuscule. Some are concentrated in a village taluka and some are scattered in four to five households in a village. Numerically large castes have an edge over others in political bargaining with the government and political parties. Castes confined to endogamous character alone cannot muster a very large number of followers at district levels and beyond for political activities. Some of the leaders of such castes form caste associations called Sabha or Sangam consisting of a cluster of castes having similar social ranking in the society in a region.
Caste associations make representation to the government
demanding educational facilities, better distribution of resources, subsidies, government jobs, etc. for their caste members. Some of them submit memoranda or organize public meetings demanding infrastructure facilities like irrigation, electricity, loan, and subsidy for fertilizer for agriculture development. There are instances when
Several castes join together and launch movements for recognition of their demands. Non-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are the examples. Jyotirao Pliule started Satyashodhak Samaj in 1873 challenging Brahminical hegemony.
Broadly there are three consequences of such interaction between caste associations & political parties. One, caste members particularly poor and marginalized who were till now remained untouched by the political processes got politicized and began to participate in electoral politics with an expectation that their interests would be served. Second, caste members get split among various political parties weakening the hold of the caste. Third numerically large castes get representation in decision-making bodies and strength of the traditionally dominant castes get
weaken. This explains the rise of middle and backward caste representations in most of the state assemblies.
The role of caste in elections has two dimensions. One is of the parties and candidates and the second is of the voters. The former seeks the support of the voters projecting themselves as champions of particular social and economic interests, the latter while exercising their vote in favor of one party or candidate believe they would benefit from it. Political parties accommodate certain castes in distributing party tickets. While nominating candidates parties take into consideration caste of the aspirant candidate and numerical strength of different castes in a constituency. Caste leaders also mobilized their followers on caste lines so that they could show their strength which is vital in the political process. Though there is a trend among the caste members to vote for a particular party, there is never a complete en bloc caste
voting. Some castes identify with a particular party as their party. It was expected that it would protect their interests. Forex. Jats in Western UP identified Lok Dal as their party just not only because the leaders of the party were the Jats, but also the party raised the issues concerning the peasants.
Q. Discuss the major issues before the Women's movement in India.
A. Communalism and Casteism
The women’s organization was the first to raise demands for uniform civil code so that women cannot be subdued & tortured by religious dictums & caste obligations. They demanded exactly the same law for all women of India- whatever may be their caste or religion. They wanted the implementation of UCC throughout the territory of India. After partition, wom.org in India raised their voice against communalism, casteism & patriarchal oppression and started getting members from all religious groups, though the Hindu and the Dalits were many more in number. Communalism and casteism have taken a horribly violent and ugly form ever since
the carving out of the country on communal lines. Intolerance towards the lower castes and of the religious and racial minorities has increased by leaps and bounds across the country but mobilization among women in protest and self-defense has also become stronger and wider.
The women’s group exerted pressure on successive govt. both at the center and in states towards their demands for enacting laws to protect the honor and provide equality to women irrespective of religion or caste. The other modes of oppression, related to and born out of patriarchy and the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few, have also motivated the
women’s movement in India.
Daily Encounters with Oppression
i) Against Alcohol -
Bhil women were the first known to have raised their voice against the alcohol menace by breaking liquor pots in 1972. Alcoholism is understood by women and the men who fight for women’s cause, as a major cause behind wife-beating and family violence. The increasing impoverishment of a family is also mainly because of man’s income being wasted on alcohol addiction. That is why all women’s bodies take up alcohol as a major issue, apart from dowry and sexual abuse.
ii) Against Dowry -
The progressive Organization of women in Hyderabad was the first to organize a powerful movement against dowry in 1975. It used to attract more than 2000 men and women in their demonstrations and the anger slowly spread to other states like Maharashtra, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and even to as far as Punjab and Bengal. But the movement took deep and permanent roots in and around Delhi as the problem was gruesome in this cultural belt. Mahila Dakshata Samiti was the pioneer body in Delhi in this regard.
iii) Against Sexual Abuse - Rape and other forms of sexual abuse are the most common and frequent crimes against women. Apart from rapes within the family, women also face exploitation at workplaces. The agitation against rape, for the first time, started against police rape. Due to concerted efforts by civil society and
women, society has pressurized the govt to enact stringent laws against rape.
Social Issues - Women’s organizations are concerned with matters relating to women's rights under the constitution and issues of women's socio-economic conditions, health and violence perpetrated against them. Over the years the W.O has taken up cases of violence, torture, and harassment of women(including
molestation, rape, dowry-related violence, custodial rape and death, torture and harassment within the family or in the workplace. The women’s O is also involved in issues of women's legal and political rights. They r vociferously raising the issue to provide 33% reservation to women in legislative bodies.
Environment protection -
From the beginning of human existence, women were at the forefront as food gatherers and food providers; and therefore, women are the worst affected as a result of environmental degradation and indiscriminate exploitation of Nature. That is why women’s movement has been most powerful with regard to the conservation of Nature. It started with women breaking forest laws in pre-independence India. Chipko and Narmada Bachao movements are good examples in this regard in Independent India.
Q. Describe some major movements by women.
A. Telangana Movement
Women’s participation was significant in the Telangana movement for land and related Economic-political rights. Though the leadership was with men, the movement could have died early if not for the strong and sustained motivation of the women. It started against the injustices for the British Raj (1941) and continued
against the continuation of the injustices even under their own government (till 1952).
Bodh Gaya Movement
Another landmark movement for land, i.e., livelihood, or economic rights “by” women were the forceful acquisition of the ‘Patta’ by the peasant women, who had collected from in and around Bodh Gaya (Bihar). The men were not putting in enough effort or resources into the land due to drinking and other bad habits. The
unexpected success became a terrific inspiration for all united efforts by women. But, the success here was unique and exceptional; in most other cases success was not in their fate, and Bihar continues to be one of the top States in social injustice and
oppression of women. Dalit women’s movement It will not be wrong to say that the Dalit women got first organized by a self-taught Dalit couple, the Phule's, in Maharashtra. They (Phule couples) can also be called one of the founders of the movement for women’s rights in the 19th Century. At present, Janvadi Mahila Samiti is the strongest supporter of this movement. The Dalit women felt the need to organize themselves separately, both from their men and the other women, mainly because of two reasons:
(i) Dalit men, however, oppressed themselves, do not stop oppressing their own women; and
(ii) The non-Dalit women, however sincere, fail to comprehend the ‘double’ oppression that a Dalit woman invariably suffers. Adivasi Women’s Movement.
In the North Cachhar hills of Nagaland, Gudiallo, affectionately called ‘Rani’, became famous for her role in the civil disobedience movement. She got involved at a very early age of 13, inspired by her male cousin Jadonang, who was active in mobilizing the villagers against British govt in Manipur. In 1931-32, Gudiallo led a ‘no tax’ the campaign, having taken over the reins of leadership from her cousin brother who was hanged by the British. These villagers stopped paying the taxes and started refusing to work as forced labor for the British.
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