EHI - 4

9th Part

Q.  Discuss briefly the presence of various categories of land rights in medieval Deccan.                                                     

A. The presence of various categories of land rights in medieval Deccan are as follows - 

Mirasi Right -  It refers to hereditary or transferable right or patrimony (bap roti) obtained by descent, purchase, or gift, etc. The mirasdars were the holders of land under the mirasi tenure. They owned the village land and could exact rent in money or service from persons who lived on their land. There were two categories of the mirasdars (1)the hereditary owners of the miras land, and those who had reclaimed the gatkul land of the village. The hereditary mirasdars were placed in the old land lists of the villages called thalazadas, but they did not possess any title deeds over land. The other category possessed miras patra (miras-deeds) attested by the authorities of the village community where the deed was sanctioned by the village communities of the neighbouring areas and by the deshmukhs and deshpandes of the district. The village land was held by the miradars: 1) on the basis of joint co-parcenary terms according to which the village land was divided into several shares, and 2) on the basis of a single proprietor ownership of the village. The mirasdar possessed complete private proprietory rights in the miras land. The state could not encroach upon the mirasi rights. Also, the headman and other people of the village could not infringe upon the mirasi rights. However, if the state wanted it could convert the mirasi lands into house sites after giving due compensation to the mirasdars in the form of gatkul lands.

Inam lands - Inam implied the grant of a specific amount of revenue of a village to a person. The inam village was assigned on a hereditary basis to persons or officials. The inam lands were either totally exempt from tax or subject to a low tax called inam patti. It was a privileged category of land rights. Inam was assigned to different categories: hereditary village officials. state officials, temples and balutedars (priests). The holders were designated inamdars. There were both residents and absentee inamdars. There is sufficient evidence to prove that these land assignments were hereditary. Rights in the inam land held by a watandar (hereditary village office holder) were saleable and transferable together with the office or watan. 

State Land (Crown Land)

Land held by the government as a corporate body or by the Peshwa/ruler could be treated as state land, although there might have been some kind of difference between the two. State lands existed in many villages of the Deccan managed by the local bureaucrats. They could be sold by them after taking approval from the central government. These lands were granted in inam or could be developed into house sites. 

Waste Lands or Lands of Extinct Families

 These lands could be sold by either the village headman or village assembly or state. The lands of the families which had become extinct were called gatkul zamin. Lands that were left uncultivated for long periods were called pad zamin. Even the miras lands contained pad zamin . Both gatkul zamin and pad zamln meant wastelands.

          The term khalisa pad zamin referred to state wastelands. The wastelands could be appropriated and disposed of by the village headman, local village assembly and government. The lands expropriated by the village headman were regarded as miras lands on which land revenue was levied. The houses and house sites of extinct families could be acquired by the village headman after taking the approval of the local village assembly. Wastelands were disposed of by the local assembly either as miras or as lnam lands. The purchaser (inamdar) of wastelands in the form of inam was not required to pay land tax on the lands. However, the village as a group had to pay land tax to the government on large inam lands thus sold. Wastelands sold as miras lands were subject to a heavy land tax which had to be paid by the new incumbent. The grant of wastelands to local bureaucrats and hereditary officers as a means of encouraging cultivation. Wastelands were also granted as inam to individuals and institutions. The king or Peshwa also received wastelands in the form of grants. Wastelands which were neither appropriated by the village headman nor by the local assembly were resumed by the government. The government granted these lands as inam to priests, state officials, temples, mosques, hereditary officers, etc. In this manner, the government aimed at curtailing state expenditure and also securing the allegiance of the grantees to the state.

Q.  What were the methods of land revenue assessment under the Mughals ? 

A. Under the Mughals assessment was separately made for Kharif and rabi crops. After the assessment was over a written document called patta, qaul or qaul-qarar was issued in which the amount or the rate of the revenue demand was mentioned.  The methods of land revenue assessment under the Mughals were -

1) Ghalla Bakhshi (Crop-sharing):  In some areas, it was called bhaoli and batai. The Ain-i Akbari notes 3 types of crop-sharing:

a)  Division of crop at the threshing floor after the grain was obtained. This was done in the presence of both parties in accordance with the agreement.

b)  Khet batai: The share was decided when the crop was still standing in the fields, and a division of the field was marked.

c)  Lang batai: The crop was cut and stacked in heaps without separating grain and a division of crop in this form was made.

2) Kankut/Danabandl:  Kan denotes grain, while kut means to estimate or appraisal. Similarly, dana means grain while bandi is fixing or determining anything. It was a system where the grain yield (or productivity) was estimated. In kankut, at first, the field was measured either by means of a rope or by pacing. After this, the per bigha productivity from good, middling and bad Lands was estimated and the revenue demand was fixed accordingly. 

3) Zabti: In Mughal India, it was the most important method of assessment. The origin of this practice is traced to Sher Shah. During Akbar's r reign, the system was revised a number of times before it took the final shape. 

               In 1580. Akbar instituted a new system ain dahsala, where the average produce of different crops as well as the average prices prevailing over the last ten years were calculated. One-third of the average produce was the state's minimum share. The main features of the zabti system as it finally came into operation under Akbar were:

i)  measurement of land was essential;

ii)  fixed cash revenue rates known as dastur ul amal or dastur for each crop.

iii)  all the collection was made in cash.

           From an administrative point of view, zabti system had some merits-

i)  measurement could always be rechecked;

ii)  due to fixed dastur, local officials could not use their discretion; and

iii)  with fixing the permanent dasturs, the uncertainties & fluctuation in levying the land revenue demand was greatly reduced.

        Zabti system was adopted only in the core region of the Empire. The main provinces covered under zabti were Delhi, Allahabad, Awadh, Agra: Lahore and Multan. Even in these zabti provinces, other methods of assessment were also practiced, depending on the circumstances of the area.

       Nasaq was not an independent method of assessment; it was subordinate to other methods. It was a method or procedure which could be adopted whatever be the basic method of revenue assessment and collection that was in force. In North India it was nasaqi zabti, while in Kashmir it was nasaqi ghalla bakbhi. When it was applied under zabti the annual measurement was dispensed with and previous figures were taken into account with certain variations.

Ijara System - or revenue farming was another feature of the revenue system of this time. Generally, these villages , where peasant did not have resources available for undertaking cultivation or where owing to some calamity cultivation could not be done, were farmed out on Ijara. The revenue officials or their relatives were not supposed to take land on Ijara . It was expected that revenue farmers would not extract more than the stipulated land revenue from the peasants. But this was hardly the case in actual practice. The practice of ijara became a common feature in Jagir lands. Revenue assignees (jagirdars) farmed out their assignments in lieu of a lump sum payment, generally to the highest bidders.

Sometimes Jagirdars sub-assigned part of their Jagirs to his subordinates/troopers. During the 18th century, Ijara system became a common form of revenue assessment and collection.

Q.  Explain the various categories of "Zamindari" rights within the context of Mughal empire.                                                     

Q.  Who were Zamindars ? Mention their rights and perquisites.      

Q.  Discuss the nature of Zamindari rights. What were their relations with peasantry ?                                                         

A.  Zamindars were the chief of the territory or land . The zamindars were present in every part of the Mughal Empire and held the most significant position in the agrarian structure of Mughal India. There were 3 types of zamindars- 

a)  Primary zamindars who had some proprietary rights over the land;

b)  Secondary zrunindars who held the intermediary rights and helped the state in collecting land revenue; and

c)  Autonomous chiefs-had autonomous rights in their territories and paid a fixed amount to the Mughal State.

Zarnindari Rights

Zamindari did not signify a proprietary right inland. It was a claim on the produce of the soil, co-existing in a subordinate capacity, with the land revenue demand of the state. It was also inheritable and divisible, that is, the heirs of a zamindar could divide the fiscal claims and perquisites of their inherited zamindari , in accordance

with the law of the land. The zamindar acquired his rights by virtue of the historical tradition of control he and his kinsmen exercised over the inhabitants of particular villages. At some time, the zamindar had settled villages and distributed its land among the peasantry. In eastern Rajasthan, wasidar (a category of peasants) were settled by the bhomia (zamiadar as known there) in the village to undertake sometimes the cultivation of his personal lands. The king, however, could create zamindari in villages where none existed. He could also dislodge a zamindar, but this was a right he exercised only in case of sedition or non-payment of revenue. 

            The medieval rulers recognised the rights of the zamindar, but were equally insistent on treating them as agents of the government for revenue collection. When the zamindari took this form, that is, it came to assist the government in the collection of revenue, for the service so rendered, the zamindar was entitled to a percentage of the total revenue collected. This percentage in official documents is stated to be 10% and is described as nankar ("allowance"). When the administration decided to collect the revenue through its own agents, by-passing the zamindar, the latter was entitled to a share in the collection of revenues called malikana (proprietary right), and like nankar, was fixed at 10% of the total revenue collected. 

        In Gujarat, this claim of the zamindar was described as banth or vanth, but unlike malikana in Northern India, it was considerably higher. Like malikana, it was paid in the form of cash. In the Deccan, it was called chauth ( "one fourth") & stood at one-fourth of the revenues collected. Sardeshmukhi, another fiscal claim of the zamindar in the Deccan, was equivalent to 10% of the revenues. Under the Marathas, the cesses of chauth and sardeshmukhi came to be realised not through a legal claim based on actual zamindari right, but by the sheer use of force. 

        Besides their principal fiscal claim, the zamindars also exacted a number of petty perquisites from the peasantry. Some of the well-known cesses so realised were (dastar shumari) , (turban tax), house tax (khana shumari), cesses on marriage and birth, etc. The zamindars used to collect taxes from weekly markets also in their

areas. At times, they are found collecting toll tax on merchandise passing through

their territories.

              Apart from primary and intermediary zamindars, there were chiefs or chieftains-the rajas, raos, ranas and rawatas-who were more or less autonomous in their estates, governing them without any interference from the imperial administration. Their obligation to the king did not go beyond paying him a fixed amount as tribute (peshkash). Their share in the surplus produce of the peasant, therefore,'amounted to the difference between what they collected from the peasants and what they paid to the king as peshkash. The Imperial administration recognised their semi-autonomous status, and exercised no control over their internal administration once they had paid the usual peshkash. 

Military Strength of Zamindars

The zamindars employed their footmen and cavalry. These troops helped them in the realisation of land revenue and subjugation of peasantry. Almost all zamindars had their own small or big forts.

Relation with peasants - Zamindar fed upon the surplus produce of the peasant. peasants had all the rights over land as long as he cultivated it. The zamindar or state had no right to evict the peasant as long as he cultivated the land and paid the revenue. The peasant had to pay a large part of their produce as land revenue. 

EHI - 4

8th Part

Q.  Describe the central administration of the Mughal empire.   

Q.  Discuss provincial and local administration under the Mughals.  

A. Central Administration -

Emperor - The emperor is at the center of Mughal administration. The concept of the divine origin of the Emperor was propagated. All officers in the Mughal administration owed their position and power to the Emperor. Their appointment, promotion, demotion, and termination were subject to the ruler's personal preference and whims.

Wakil and Wazir - 

The position of the wazir revived under the early Mughals. Babur's wazir Nizamuddin Muhammad Khalifa enjoyed both the civil and military powers. Humayun's wazir Hindu Beg also virtually enjoyed great powers. Akbar took away the financial powers of the wakil and entrusted it into the hands of the diwan kul (Finance Minister). Separation of finance gave a jolt to the wakil's power. However, the wakil continued to enjoy the highest place in the Mughal bureaucratic hierarchy despite the reduction in his powers.

Diwani Kul - 

           Akbar strengthened the office of the diwan by entrusting the revenue powers to the diwan. The chief diwan (diwani kul) was made responsible for revenue and finances. His primary duty was to supervise the imperial treasury and check all accounts. He personally inspected all transactions and payments in all departments. He maintained direct contact with the provincial diwans and their functioning was put under his vigil. His seal and signatures were necessary for the validation of all official papers involving revenue. The entire revenue collection and expenditure machinery of the Empire was under his charge. No fresh order of appointment or promotion could be affected without his seal.

       The central revenue ministry was divided into may departments to look after the specific needs of the Empire. For example diwani khalisa, diwani tan (for cash salary), diwani jagir, diwani buyutat (royal household), etc. Each branch was further subdivided into several sections 'manned by a secretary, superintendents, and clerks. The mustaufi was the auditor, and the mushrif was the chief accountant. The khazanadar looked after the Imperial treasury. 

Mir Bakhshi - 

               All orders of appointments of mansabdars and their salary papers were endorsed and passed by him. He personally supervised the branding of the horses (dagh) and checked the muster-roll (chehra) of the soldiers. On the basis of his verification, the amount of the salary was certified. Mir Bakshi placed all matters pertaining to the military department before the Emperor. The new entrants, seeking service, were presented before 'the Emperor by the mir bakhshi. He dealt directly with provincial bakhshis and waqainavis. He accompanied the Emperor on tours, pleasure trips, hunting expeditions, battlefield, etc. The mir bakhshi was assisted by other bakhshis at the central level.

Mir Saman - 

The mir saman was the officer in charge of the royal karkhanas. He was also known as khan saman. He was the chief executive officer responsible for the purchase of all kinds of articles and their storage for the royal household. Another important duty was to supervise the manufacture of different articles, be it weapons of war or articles of luxury. He was directly under the Emperor but for sanction of money and auditing of accounts, he was to contact the diwan.

Sadr-us Sudur -

The sadr-us sudur was the head of the ecclesiastical department. His chief duty was to protect the laws of the shariat. He was also connected with the distribution of charities - both cash (wazifa) and land grants. He supervised the appointment of qazis and muftis. He supervised the assignment of allowances and looked after the charitable grants. He also looked into whether the grants were given to the right persons and utilized properly. He scrutinized applications for all such grants, both fresh and renewals, and presented before the Emperor for sanction. Alms were also distributed through him. 

Qazi-ul Quzzat -

The chief qazi was known as qazi-ul quzzat. He was the head of the judiciary. His principal duty was to administer the shariat law both in civil and criminal cases. In the capacity of the chief qazi,' he looked into the appointment of the qazis in the suba, sarkar, pargana and town levels. There was a separate qazi for the army also. The muhtasibs (censor of public morals) was to ensure the general observance of the rules of morality. His job was to keep in check the forbidden practices- wine drinking. use of bhang and other intoxicants, gambling, etc. In addition, he also performed some secular duties - examining weights and measures, enforcing fair prices, etc.

PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

        In 1580, Akbar divided the Empire into twelve subas (later on, three more were added). Each suba was divided into a number of sarkars and these were further divided Into parganas and mahals. During Shah Jahan's reign, another administrative unit chakla came into existence. It was a cluster of a number of parganas.

Provincial Governor

The governor of a suba (subadar) was directly appointed by the Emperor. Among the duties of the subadar, the most important one was to look after the welfare of the people and the army. He was responsible for the general law and order problems in the suba. A subadar would encourage agriculture, trade, and commerce. He was supposed to take up welfare activities like construction of sarais, gardens, wells, water reservoirs, etc. He was to take steps to enhance the revenue of the state.

Diwan

           The provincial diwan was appointed by the Emperor. He was an independent officer answerable to the Centre. He was the head of the revenue department in the suba. The provincial diwan supervised the revenue collection in the suba and maintained

accounts of all expenditures incurred in the form of salaries of the officials and subordinates in the suba. The diwan was also to take steps to increase the area under cultivation. In many cases, advance loans were given to the peasants through his office. A roznamcha (daily register) was maintained by the diwan which carried entries of the amount that was deposited in the royal treasury by the revenue officials and zamindars. A large number of clerks worked under him.

Bakhshi

The Bakshi was appointed by the imperial court at the recommendation of the mirbakhshi. He performed exactly the same military functions as were performed by his counterpart at the Centre. He was responsible for checking and inspecting the horses and soldiers maintained by the mansabdars in the suba. He issued the paybills of both the mansabdars and the soldiers.

Darogha-i Dak and the Secret Services

The imperial postal system was established for sending instructions to the far-flung areas of the Empire. The same channel was used for receiving information. At every suba headquarters, darogha-i dak was appointed for this purpose. His duty was to pass on letters through the postal runners to the court. For this purpose, a number of dak chowkis were maintained throughout the Empire where runners were stationed who carried he post to the next chowki. At the provincial level, waq'ai navis and waqai nigars were appointed to supply the reports directly to the Emperor. Besides, there were also sawanih nigar to provide confidential reports to the Emperor.

LOCAL ADMINISTRATION - 

Sarkars

At the sarkar level, there were two important functionaries, the faujdar and the amalguzar.

Faujdar

He was the executive head of the sarkar. He was not only appointed at the sarkar level but sometimes within a sarkar a number of faujdars existed. At times their jurisdiction spread over two full sarkars. His primary duty was to safeguard the life and property of the residents of the area under his jurisdiction. He was to ensure safe passage to traders within his jurisdiction. As the chief executive of the region, the faujdar was to keep vigil over the recalcitrant zamindars. In special circumstances, he was to help the amalguzar in matters of revenue collection.

Amalguzar

The most important revenue collector was the amil or amalguzar. His primary duty was to assess and supervise the revenue collection through other subordinate officials. A good amil was supposed to increase the land under cultivation and induce the peasants to pay revenue willingly without coercion. All accounts were to be maintained by him. Daily receipts and expenditure reports were sent by him to the provincial diwan.

Thanedar

The thana was a place where the army was stationed for the preservation of law and order. They were to arrange provisions for the army as well. These thanas were established specifically in disturbed areas and around the cities. Its head was designated as thanedar. He was appointed at the recommendation of the subadar and diwan.

Pargana Administration

The parganas were the administrative units below the sarkar. The shiqqdar was the executive officer of the pargana and assisted the amils in revenue collection. The amil looked after the revenue collection at the pargana level also. His duties were similar to those of the amalguzar at the sarkar level.

Q.  Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty                          

Q.  What was Turco-Mongol concept of sovereignty? To what extent were Turco-Mongol traditions followed by the Mughal emperors?           

A.       Chingiz khan had borrowed his divine theory of sovereignty from the Uighurs, the Mongols themselves believed in the absolute power of the Khan. Nonetheless, the division of the Empire among the ruler's sons for facilitating administration with all its rigors and satiating the desires of governance among princes was the cardinal principle of Mongol concept of sovereignty. But Timur followed the concept of absolute sovereignty. 

            Timur who had accepted the nominal overlordship of a descendant of Chingiz Khan. Timur himself never used any title higher than amir. Though Timur's successor Shahrukh assumed the title Padshah and Sultan-ul Azam, the idea of the nominal overlordship of the Khan remained alive down to the time of Abu Saeed Mirza. However, the existence of puppet Khans was a political necessity for Timur. Timur did not belong to the royal family of Chingiz and in the given situation, Timur's right to accession was likely to be challenged by the Mongols. 

        These Khans were kept confined to a particular locality and the only royal prerogative enjoyed by them was the manshurs (orders) and certain coins of Timur carried the names of these "prisoners". Nevertheless, Timur continued to maintain his supremacy over the Khans. No sooner had he acquired necessary power and secured enough support from the Chaghatai nobles than he proclaimed himself sovereign in 1370 with the title of sahib-i qiran (a title given to a ruler who had ruled for forty years). The coronation ceremony was held with all royal grandeur for Timur alone. Timur never "rendered honors to the Khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings. Honors due to the monarch were always personally received by Timur". Being a firm believer in absolutism, Timur never attached undue importance to the consultative assembly (qurultai). Besides, he considered himself to be the temporal as well as the spiritual leader. The concept of sovereignty was stretched by him to its logical end. He announced that he "received direct revelations from the Almighty", thus giving divine sanctions to his enterprise. Thus, the practice of installing puppet Khans was merely a political game which had been played by Timur and his successors to mobilize the support of Mongol forces and to use them finally to establish their own power and to legitimize their rule over a territory which was actually usurped by them from the Mongols.

Q.  Turah of Chinghiz Khan                                

A.  The Central Asian administration was considerably influenced by the turah, that is the laws formulated by Chingiz after his ascendancy. The turah did not contain any religious element and dealt mainly with political principles and the organization of government and civil and military administration. The turah was considered to be an immutable code. The turah figures in Jahangir's autobiography and flickers through some of his measures. The references to turah, however, start fading and dwindle gradually in the reign of Shah Jahan and is finally engulfed by the "religious revivalism" during the reign of Aurangzeb. Nevertheless, the principles of turah and the Chaghatai traditions had limited utility in the Indian context. A survey of the Mughal sources shows that the emphasis on turah was motivated by a realpolitik of the Mughal Emperors who wanted to highlight their links with the two former conquerors of India & to the great Empire builders namely Chingiz & Timur. Turah was preserved and at best its traditions continued to linger in the Mughal Empire mainly in the sphere of the laws of ceremonies and etiquettes. 

Q.  What was Mughal theory of sovereignty.       

A.    The Mughal perception of sovereignty primarily carried the impact of Turco-Mongol traditions that had evolved in Central Asia, especially since the turah of Chingiz Khan. The king was the pivot of administration. The kbutba was read and the coins were struck in 'the name of the king throughout the Empire. The provincial rulers were appointed by the king. They were required to act in accordance with the regulations and orders of the king and owed their status to the sweet will of the ruler. The provincial rulers were not permitted to interfere in the collection of the king's share of the revenue. For these and for other administrative purposes, special deputies were appointed by the king.  The failure of a provincial ruler (Sultan) to comply with the orders of the Khan or to fulfill his military or financial obligation at a certain time would have disastrous consequences for him. While they were allowed to have diplomatic relations with external powers, certain major decisions like the waging of war or the signing of treaty were taken by the king personally. The king was authorized to intervene in interstate feuds and even to transfer or depose an unruly Sultan.

            Babar rejected any idea of sharing sovereignty with his begs (nobles), But the Mughals at early stages do not seem to have totally alienated themselves from Mongol influences. The Mongol principle of the division of the Empire was put to test soon after the death of Babur. Humayun divided his Empire among his brothers but failed. The Mughals considered sovereignty as the personal property of the 'Padshah'. Even the so-called hereditary privileges of the nobles got the sanction of the ruler. Such privileges had to be renewed by the new ruler. The nobility being the creation of the king himself was supposed to be the main source of his strength. At the time of the accession of a new Khan, the nobility had to take an oath-for remaining loyal and subservient to the king.

             The theory of sovereignty propounded by Abul Fazl on behalf of Akbar and reflected in his mahzar and "Ai'n-i rahnamuni" seems to be as close to the Central Asian and, Perso-Islamic concepts as to the Chingizi traditions of sovereignty. It is significant that the absolute traditions of sovereignty and conjunction of spiritual and temporal rulership was developed at many courts as a defense mechanism against undue encroachment upon the king's authority by lesser mortals. The Emperor was certified to be a just ruler and was as such assigned the rank of mujtahid, i.e. an "infallible authority". The "intellect of the just king" thus became a valuable source of legislation.

EHI - 4

7th Part

Q.  Discuss the working of the system of Jagir under the Mughals.    

A.      The Mughal Emperors continued the revenue assignments system of Delhi sultans. The system was developed to appropriate the surplus from the peasantry and distribute it among the nobles, This also included the administration of the area by the assignee. These assignments were given in lieu of cash salaries. The areas assigned were generally called jagir, and its holders jagirdar. It was not land that was assigned, but the income/ revenue from the land/area was given to the jagirdars. This system developed over a period of time and underwent many changes before stabilizing. However, the basic framework was developed during Akbar's reign. 

Organisation of Jagir System

       During Akbar's period all the territory was broadly divided into two: khalisa and jagir.

     The revenue from the first went to the Imperial treasury & that from jagir was assigned to jagirdars in lieu of their salary in cash (naqd) according to their rank. Some mansabdars got cash salary, and, hence, they were called naqdi. A few were given both jagir and cash. The bulk of the territory was assigned to mansabdars according to their rank. The estimated revenue was called jama or jamadami as it was calculated in dam (a small copper coin, 1/40th of the silver rupaya on the average). The jama included land revenue, inland transit duties, port customs, and other taxes which were known as sair Jihat. Another term used by the revenue officials was hasil, that is, the amount of revenue actually collected. 

           In the 31st year of Akbar's reign, the jama of the khalisa in the province of Delhi, Awadh, and Allahabad amounted to less than 5% of the total revenue. Under Jahangir, almost 9/10 of the territory was assigned in jagir and only 1/10 was available for the khalisa. The ratio of jagir and khalisa kept fluctuating. Under Shah Jahan, it rose to one-eleventh and, by the 20th year, it was nearly one-seventh. The trend continued in the next reign; in the 10th year of Aurangzeb, the jama of the khalisa amounted to almost one-fifth of the total. However, in the later part of Aurangzeb's reign, there was a great pressure on the khalisa as the number of claimants for jagir increased with the increase of the number of mansabdars.

           Another important feature of the jagir system was the shifting of jagir-holders from one jagir to another for administrative reasons. This system of transfers checked the jagirdars from developing local roots. At the same time, its disadvantage was that it discouraged the jagirdars from taking long term measures for the development of their areas. They were merely interested in extracting as much revenue as possible in a short time.

Various Types of Jagirs

There were generally four types of revenue assignments:

a)  jagirs, which were given in lieu of pay, were known as jagir tankha;

b)  jagirs given to a person on certain conditions were called mashrut jagirs;

c)  jagirs which involved no obligation of service and were independent of rank were called Inam jagirs, and

d)  jagirs which were assigned to zamindars (chieftains) in their homelands, were called watan jagirs. Under Jahangir some Muslim nobles ware given jagirs resembling watan jagir called al-tamgha.

               Tankha jagirs are transferable every three or four years, watan jagirs remained hereditary and non-transferable. Sometimes watan jagir was converted into khalisa for a certain period as Aurangzeb did in the case of Jodhpur in 1679. When a zamindar or a tributary chief was made a mansabdar, he was given jagir tankha,, apart from his watan jagir, at another place if the salary of his rank was more then the income from his watan jagir. Maharaja Jaswant Singh, holding watan jagir in Marwar, held jagir, tankha in Hissar.

Management of Jagirs

            The jagirdar was allowed to collect only authorized revenue in accordance with the Imperial regulations. He employed his own officials (karkun) like amil, fotadar, etc. who acted on his behalf.

             The Imperial officials kept watching on the jagirdars. The diwan of the suba was supposed to prevent the oppression of the peasants by the jagirdars. From the 20th year of Akbar, Amin was posted in each province to see that the jagirdars were following Imperial regulations regarding the collection of revenue. The faujdar often helped the jagirdar to collect revenue whenever difficulties arose.

Q.  Write a note on the Mughal Mansabdari system.                 

Q.  Discuss the growth of Mansab system under Jahangir & Shahjahan.   

Q.  Give a brief account of the Mansabdari system. What changes were introduced in it after Akbar?   

Q.  Discuss the changes introduced by Shahjahan in Mughal mansab system.

Q.  Explain the evolution and working of Jagir and Mansab system under the Mughals.                                             

A.  The word mansab means a place or position and therefore it means rank in the mansab system under the Mughals. During Babur's time, the term mansabdar was not used; instead, another term wajhdar was employed. The latter differed in some ways from the mansab system that evolved under the Mughals after Babur.

Akbar gave mansabs to both military and civil officers on the basis of their merit or service to the state. 

       Akbar had established 66 grades of mansabdars ranging from commanders of 10 horsemen to 10,000 horsemen. Mansab denoted three things:

i)  It determined the status of its holder (the mansabdar) in the official hierarchy.

ii)  It fixed the pay of the holder.

iii)  It also laid upon the holder the obligation of maintaining a specified number of contingent with horses and equipment.

The Dual Ranks: Zat and Sawar

      Initially, a single number represented the rank, personal pay and the size of the contingent of mansabdar, In such a situation if a person held a mansab of 500, he was to maintain a contingent of 500 and receive allowances to maintain it. After some time, the rank of mansabdar instead of one number, came to be denoted by two numbers - zat and sawar.

          The first number (zat) determined the mansabdar's personal pay (talab-khassa) and his rank in the organization. The second number (sawar) fixed the number of horses and horsemen to be maintained by the mansabdar and, accordingly, the amount he would receive for his contingent (tabinan).

  The Three Classes of Mansabdars

       In 1595-96, the mansabdars were classified into three, groups :

a)  those with horsemen (sawar) equal to the number of the zat;

b)  those with horsemen half or more than half of the number of the zat, and

c)  those whose sawar rank was less than half of their zat rank.

The sawar rank was either equal or less than the zat. Even if the former was higher,

the mansabdar's position in the official hierarchy would not be affected. For example, a mansabdar with 4000 zat and 2000 sawar (400012000 in short) was higher in rank

than a mansabdar of 3000l.3000, although the latter had a higher number of horsemen under him.

           But there are exceptions to this rule particularly when the mansabdar was serving in a difficult terrain amidst the rebels. In such cases, the state often increase the sawar rank without altering the zat rank. Thus , the system was not a static one, it changed to meet the circumstances.

         Another development that took place was the introduction of do aspa sih aspa under Jahangir. if a mansabdar held a mansab of 4000 zat/4000 sawar, he may be granted huma do aspa sih aspa. In this case, the original sawar rank would be ignored, and the mansabdar will maintain double the number of do aspa sib aspa (here 4000 + 4000 = 8000). This was done as Jahangir, after becoming emperor, wanted to promote nobles of his confidence and strengthen them militarily. Do aspa sih aspa was a way out to grant additional sawar rank without disturbing the zat rank or mansab hierarchy. It also meant a saving fa the state by not increasing the zat rank. 

Appointment and Promotion of Mansabdars

The mir Bakshi generally presented the candidates to the Emperor who recruited them directly. But the recommendation of the leading nobles and governors of the provinces were also usually accepted. Granting of mansab was a prerogative of the Emperor. He could appoint anybody as mansabdar. The most favored categories were the sons and close kinsmen of persons who were already in service. This group was called khanazad. Another group which was given preference was of those who held high positions in other kingdoms. The main areas from which such people came from the Uzbek and Safavi Empires and the Deccan kingdoms. These included Irani. Turani, Iraqi and Khurasani. The rulers of autonomous principalities formed yet another group that received preferential treatment in recruitment and promotions. The main beneficiaries of this category were the Rajput kings.

Maintenance of Troops and Payment

Mansabdars were asked to present their contingents for regular inspection and physical verification. The job of the inspection was wormed by the mir bakshi's department. Under Shah Jahan it was laid down that if a mansabdar was posted in the same province where he held jagir, he had to muster one-third of the contingents of his sawar rank. In case he was posted outside he had to muster one

fourth. If posted in Balkh and Samarqand, he had to maintain one-fifth. The mansabdars were generally paid through revenue assignments (jagirs). It is estimated that 80% of the total revenue resources of the Empire were appropriated by 1,571 mansabdars. 

Q.  Discuss the racial composition of the Mughal ruling class. What was there share in the revenue resources of the Mughal empire?      

Q.  What was the composition of the Mughal Ruling class? How did the Mughal ruling class utilize the revenue resources at its disposal?          

A.      After its first phase of development during the reign of Babur and Humayun and the early years of Akbar, the Mughal ruling class came to consist of certain well-recognized racial groups. The important ones were Turanis, Iranis, Afghans, Shaikhzadas, Rajputs and also the Deccanis (Bijapuris, Haideraabadis, and Marathas). However, mere fulfillment of certain criteria of merit and competence was not the sole requirement to gain entry into it: clan or family links were the most important considerations for recruitment. 

              The khanazads (the house-born ones), who were the sons and descendants of those officers (mansabdars) who were already in the Mughal service, were the best and foremost claimants. They constituted almost half of the ruling class throughout the Mughal period and the remaining half of the ruling class comprised of a variety of persons not belonging to the families already in service. The zamindars of the chieftains were one of them.

           Nobles and high officers of other states were also taken into the Mughal ruling class on account of their experience, status, and influence. Leading commanders of the enemy state, in particular, were offered tempting ranks to make .them desert their masters. A very small portion of the Mughal ruling class consisted of persons belonging to the accountant castes, that is, Khatris, Kayasthas, etc. They were usually appointed in the Financial departments on low ranks, but they could rise to higher ones. Scholars, saints/sufis and theologians, etc. also received ranks and offices in the Mughal service.

Racial and Religious Groups

        Turanis, Iranis, Afghans, Shaikhzadas, Rajputs, and Marathas -who provided new recruits fur the Mughal ruling class. These elements were taken into the Mughal service largely as a result of historical circumstances, but partly (as for example the Rajputs) as a result of the planned imperial policy of integrating all these elements into a single imperial service. 

The Foreign Elements - Turanis and Iranis

The foreign elements in the Mughal ruling class comprised largely the Taranis (or the Central Asians) and Iranis (also called Khurasanis and Iraqis). According to the Ai'n-i Akbari, about 70 percent of Akbar's nobles were foreigners by origin. This high

proportion of foreigners continued under Akbar's successors and among them, Iranis enjoyed the most dominant position. 

The Afghans

The Afghans had been distrusted by the Mughals, especially suspected after the Mughal restoration under Humayun. Most of them were kept at a distance by Akbar. They, however, improved their position under Jahangir who assigned a high position to Khan Jahan Lodi. During Shah Jahan's reign, the Afghans again lost the imperial trust. During the Aurangzeb reign, however, the number of the Afghan nobles considerably increased. This was mainly because of the influx from the Bijapur kingdom.

Indian Muslims 

The Indian Muslims, better known as Shaikhzadas, comprised mainly the Saiyids of Barha and the Kambus and certain other important clans.

Rajputs and Other Hindus 

          Rajputs and other Hindu nobles were inducted in the Mughal ruling class during the reign of Akbar who adopted a friendly and liberal attitude towards them. The Hindu nobles in general and Rajputs, in particular, achieved a position of respect and honor in the reign of Akbar which they continued to enjoy down to Aurangzeb's reign. With a slight fall (21.6per cent) in the first phase of Aurangzeb's reign (1658-78), the number of Hindu mansabdars remained almost the same as what it had been during Akbar (22.5 percent) and Shah Jahan's (22.4 percent). During the last phase of Aurangzeb's reign (1679-1707), however, the proportion of the Hindu nobles appreciated to 31.6 percent. The increase in the number of Hindus during this period was because of the influx of the Marathas. 

DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE RESOURCES AMONG THE RULING CLASS

82% of the total revenue resources of the empire were appropriated by 1,671 mansabdars, While the top 12 mansabdars controlled as much as 18.52% of the total income of the Empire, the remaining 1,149 mansabdars controlled only 30% of the revenue. Thus. there was an immense concentration of revenue resources in the hands of a few persons during the time of Akbar. 

Lifestyle 

                With huge amounts of money at their disposal, the ruling class led a life of great pomp and show. They maintained the large establishment of wives, servants, camels, and horses. They also spent on the construction of stately houses and works of public utility like sarais, hammams (public baths), wells, step-wells (bablis), water tanks, markets, roads, gardens, religious and educational buildings such as mosques, madrasas, khanqahs, tombs, and temples. The nobles maintained their own karkhanas to manufacture luxury items for their own consumption. Carpets, gold-embroidered silks, and high-quality jewelry were the main items produced. Besides, they imported a large number of luxury articles from different countries.

EHI - 4

6th Part

Q.  Describe the central administration of the Mughal empire.   

Q.  Discuss provincial and local administration under the Mughals.  

A. Central Administration -

Emperor - The emperor is at the center of Mughal administration. The concept of the divine origin of the Emperor was propagated. All officers in the Mughal administration owed their position and power to the Emperor. Their appointment, promotion, demotion, and termination were subject to the ruler's personal preference and whims.

Wakil and Wazir - 

The position of the wazir revived under the early Mughals. Babur's wazir Nizamuddin Muhammad Khalifa enjoyed both the civil and military powers. Humayun's wazir Hindu Beg also virtually enjoyed great powers. Akbar took away the financial powers of the wakil and entrusted it into the hands of the diwan kul (Finance Minister). Separation of finance gave a jolt to the wakil's power. However, the wakil continued to enjoy the highest place in the Mughal bureaucratic hierarchy despite the reduction in his powers.

Diwani Kul - 

            Akbar strengthened the office of the diwan by entrusting the revenue powers to the diwan. The chief diwan (diwani kul) was made responsible for revenue and finances. His primary duty was to supervise the imperial treasury and check all accounts. He personally inspected all transactions and payments in all departments. He maintained direct contact with the provincial diwans and their functioning was put under his vigil. His seal and signatures were necessary for the validation of all official papers involving revenue. The entire revenue collection and expenditure machinery of the Empire was under his charge. No fresh order of appointment or promotion could be affected without his seal.

      The central revenue ministry was divided into may departments to look after the specific needs of the Empire. For example diwani khalisa, diwani tan (for cash salary), diwani jagir, diwani buyutat (royal household), etc. Each branch was further subdivided into several sections 'manned by a secretary, superintendents, and clerks. The mustaufi was the auditor, and the mushrif was the chief accountant. The khazanadar looked after the Imperial treasury. 

Mir Bakhshi - 

All orders of appointments of mansabdars and their salary papers were endorsed and passed by him. He personally supervised the branding of the horses (dagh) and checked the muster-roll (chehra) of the soldiers. On the basis of his verification, the amount of the salary was certified. Mir bakhshi placed all matters pertaining to the military department before the Emperor. The new entrants, seeking service, were presented before 'the Emperor by the mir bakhshi. He dealt directly with provincial bakhshis and waqainavis. He accompanied the Emperor on tours, pleasure trips, hunting expeditions, battlefields, etc. The mir bakhshi was assisted by other bakhshis at the central level.

Mir Saman - 

The mir saman was the officer in charge of the royal karkhanas. He was also known as khan saman. He was the chief executive officer responsible for the purchase of all kinds of articles and their storage for the royal household. Another important duty was to supervise the manufacture of different articles, be it weapons of war or articles of luxury. He was directly under the Emperor but for sanction of money and auditing of accounts, he was to contact the diwan.

Sadr-us Sudur -

The sadr-us sudur was the head of the ecclesiastical department. His chief duty was to protect the laws of the shariat. He was also connected with the distribution of charities - both cash (wazifa) and land grants. He supervised the appointment of qazis and muftis. He supervised the assignment of allowances and looked after the charitable grants. He also looked into whether the grants were given to the right persons and utilized properly. He scrutinized applications for all such grants, both fresh and renewals, and presented before the Emperor for sanction. Alms were also distributed through him. 

Qazi-ul Quzzat -

The chief qazi was known as qazi-ul quzzat. He was the head of the judiciary. His principal duty was to administer the Shariat law both in civil and criminal cases. In the capacity of the chief qazi,' he looked into the appointment of the qazis in the suba, sarkar, pargana and town levels. There was a separate qazi for the army also. The muhtasibs (censor of public morals) was to ensure the general observance of the rules of morality. His job was to keep in check the forbidden practices- wine drinking. use of bhang and other intoxicants, gambling, etc. In addition, he also performed some secular duties - examining weights and measures, enforcing fair prices, etc.

PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

        In 1580, Akbar divided the Empire into twelve subas (later on, three more were added). Each suba was divided into a number of sarkars and these were further divided Into parganas and mahals. During Shah Jahan's reign, another administrative unit chakla came into existence. It was a cluster of a number of parganas.

Provincial Governor

The governor of a suba (subadar) was directly appointed by the Emperor. Among the duties of the subadar, the most important one was to look after the welfare of the people and the army. He was responsible for the general law and order problems in the suba. A subadar would encourage agriculture, trade, and commerce. He was supposed to take up welfare activities like construction of sarais, gardens, wells, water reservoirs, etc. He was to take steps to enhance the revenue of the state.

Diwan

The provincial diwan was appointed by the Emperor. He was an independent officer answerable to the Centre. He was the head of the revenue department in the suba. The provincial diwan supervised the revenue collection in the suba and maintained

accounts of all expenditures incurred in the form of salaries of the officials and subordinates in the suba. The diwan was also to take steps to increase the area under cultivation. In many cases, advance loans were given to the peasants through his office. A roznamcha (daily register) was maintained by the diwan which carried entries of the amount that was deposited in the royal treasury by the revenue officials and zamindars. A large number of clerks worked under him.

Bakhshi

The Bakshi was appointed by the imperial court at the recommendation of the mir bakhshi. He performed exactly the same military functions as were performed by his counterpart at the Centre. He was responsible for checking and inspecting the horses and soldiers maintained by the mansabdars in the suba. He issued the pay bills of both the mansabdars and the soldiers.

Darogha-i Dak and the Secret Services

The imperial postal system was established for sending instructions to the far-flung areas of the Empire. The same channel was used for receiving information. At every suba headquarters, darogha-i dak was appointed for this purpose. His duty was to pass on letters through the postal runners to the court. For this purpose, a number of dak chowkis were maintained throughout the Empire where runners were stationed who carried he post to the next chowki. At the provincial level, waq'ai navis and waqai nigars were appointed to supply the reports directly to the Emperor. Besides, there were also sawanih nigar to provide confidential reports to the Emperor.

LOCAL ADMINISTRATION - 

Sarkars

At the sarkar level, there were two important functionaries, the faujdar and the amalguzar.

Faujdar

He was the executive head of the sarkar. He was not only appointed at the sarkar level but sometimes within a sarkar a number of faujdars existed. At times their jurisdiction spread over two full sarkars. His primary duty was to safeguard the life and property of the residents of the area under his jurisdiction. He was to ensure safe passage to traders within his jurisdiction. As the chief executive of the region, the faujdar was to keep vigil over the recalcitrant zamindars. In special circumstances, he was to help the amalguzar in matters of revenue collection.

Amalguzar

The most important revenue collector was the amil or amalguzar. His primary duty was to assess and supervise the revenue collection through other subordinate officials. A good amil was supposed to increase the land under cultivation and induce the peasants to pay revenue willingly without coercion. All accounts were to be maintained by him. Daily receipts and expenditure reports were sent by him to the provincial diwan.

Thanedar

The thana was a place where the army was stationed for the preservation of law and order. They were to arrange provisions for the army as well. These thanas were established specifically in disturbed areas and around the cities. Its head was designated as thanedar. He was appointed at the recommendation of the subadar and diwan.

Pargana Administration

The parganas were the administrative units below the sarkar. The shiqqdar was the executive officer of the pargana and assisted the amils in revenue collection. The amil looked after the revenue collection at the pargana level also. His duties were similar to those of the amalguzar at the sarkar level.

Q.  Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty                          

Q.  What was the Turco-Mongol concept of sovereignty? To what extent were Turco-Mongol traditions followed by the Mughal emperors?           

A.      Chingiz khan had borrowed his divine theory of sovereignty from the Uighurs, the Mongols themselves believed in the absolute power of the Khan. Nonetheless, the division of the Empire among the ruler's sons for facilitating administration with all its rigors and satiating the desires of governance among princes was the cardinal principle of the Mongol concept of sovereignty. But Timur followed the concept of absolute sovereignty. 

               Timur who had accepted the nominal overlordship of a descendant of Chingiz Khan. Timur himself never used any title higher than amir. Though Timur's successor Shahrukh assumed the title Padshah and Sultan-ul Azam, the idea of the nominal overlordship of the Khan remained alive down to the time of Abu Saeed Mirza. However, the existence of puppet Khans was a political necessity for Timur. Timur did not belong to the royal family of Chingiz and in the given situation, Timur's right to accession was likely to be challenged by the Mongols. 

        These Khans were kept confined to a particular locality and the only royal prerogative enjoyed by them was the manshurs (orders) and certain coins of Timur carried the names of these "prisoners". Nevertheless, Timur continued to maintain his supremacy over the Khans. No sooner had he acquired necessary power and secured enough support from the Chaghatai nobles than he proclaimed himself sovereign in 1370 with the title of sahib-i qiran (a title given to a ruler who had ruled for forty years). The coronation ceremony was held with all royal grandeur for Timur alone. Timur never "rendered honours to the Khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings. Honours due to the monarch were always personally received by Timur". Being a firm believer in absolutism, Timur never attached undue importance to the consultative assembly (qurultai). Besides, he considered himself to be the temporal as well as spiritual leader. The concept of sovereignty was stretched by him to its logical end. He announced that he "received direct revelations from the Almighty", thus giving divine sanctions to his enterprise. Thus, the practice of installing puppet Khans was merely a political game which had been played by Timur and his successors to mobilize the support of Mongol forces and to use them finally to establish their own power and to legitimize their rule over a territory which was actually usurped by them from the Mongols.

Q.  Turah of Chinghiz Khan                                

A.  The Central Asian administration was considerably influenced by the turah, that is the laws formulated by Chingiz after his ascendancy. The turah did not contain any religious element and dealt mainly with political principles and the organization of government and civil and military administration. The turah was considered to be an immutable code. The turah figures in Jahangir's autobiography and flickers through some of his measures. The references to turah, however, start fading and dwindle gradually in the reign of Shah Jahan and is finally engulfed by the "religious revivalism" during the reign of Aurangzeb. Nevertheless, the principles of turah and the Chaghatai traditions had limited utility in Indian context. A survey of the Mughal sources shows that the emphasis on turah was motivated by a realpolitik of the Mughal Emperors who wanted to highlight their links with the two former conquerors of India & to the great Empire builders namely Chingiz & Timur. Turah was preserved and at best its traditions continued to linger in the Mughal Empire mainly in the sphere of the laws of ceremonies and etiquettes. 

Q.  What was the Mughal theory of sovereignty.        

Q.  Write a brief note on the Mughal theory of sovereignty     

A.    The Mughal perception of sovereignty primarily carried the impact of Turco-Mongol traditions that had evolved in Central Asia, especially since the turah of Chingiz Khan. The king was the pivot of administration. The kbutba was read and the coins were struck in 'the name of the king throughout the Empire. The provincial rulers were appointed by the king. They were required to act in accordance with the regulations and orders of the king and owed their status to the sweet will of the ruler. The provincial rulers were not permitted to interfere in the collection of the king's share of the revenue. For these and for other administrative purposes, special deputies were appointed by the king.  The failure of a provincial ruler (Sultan) to comply with the orders of the Khan or to fulfill his military or financial obligation at a certain time would have disastrous consequences for him. While they were allowed to have diplomatic relations with external powers, certain major decisions like the waging of war or the signing of treaty were taken by the king personally. The king was authorized to intervene in interstate feuds and even to transfer or depose an unruly Sultan.

            Babar rejected any idea of sharing sovereignty with his begs (nobles), But the Mughals at early stages do not seem to have totally alienated themselves from Mongol influences. The Mongol principle of the division of the Empire was put to test soon after the death of Babur. Humayun divided his Empire among his brothers but failed. The Mughals considered sovereignty as the personal property of the 'Padshah'. Even the so-called hereditary privileges of the nobles got the sanction of the ruler. Such privileges had to be renewed by the new ruler. The nobility being the creation of the king himself was supposed to be the main source of his strength. At the time of the accession of a new Khan, the nobility had to take an oath-for remaining loyal and subservient to the king.

             The theory of sovereignty propounded by Abul Fazl on behalf of Akbar and reflected in his mahzar and "Ai'n-i rahnamuni" seems to be as close to the Central Asian and, Perso-Islamic concepts as to the Chingizi traditions of sovereignty. It is significant that the absolute traditions of sovereignty and conjunction of spiritual and temporal rulership were developed at many courts as a defense mechanism against undue encroachment upon the king's authority by lesser mortals. The Emperor was certified to be a just ruler and was as such assigned the rank of mujtahid, i.e. an "infallible authority". The "intellect of the just king" thus became a valuable source of legislation.