EHI - 3

4th Part 

Q.  Give details of central and Provincial Administration Under the Sultans. 

A.   Central administration

Provincial administration - As the State became more settled and efforts were made for greater centralization, provincial administration also underwent a change. A separation between fiscal and military responsibilities started evolving. During the reign of Muhammad Tughluq, fiscal responsibilities were partially withdrawn from the muqtis or walis and placed under central officers. Muhammad Tughluq also ordered that the salary of the soldiers maintained by iqta holders be paid by the diwan-i wizarat to prevent fraud by the officers. Greater control also came to be exercised over fiscal matters. The diwan’s office, at the centre, received and examined detailed statements regarding income and expenditure in the provinces. It supervised the work of the revenue officials in the provinces. The provinces had a sahib-i diwan, whose office kept books of account and submitted information to the centre. It was assisted by officials. The entire lower revenue staff was called karkun.

           By the end of the thirteenth century, contemporary sources refer to an administrative division, known as shiqq. However, by the time of Sher Shah (1540-1 545 A.D.) shiqq had emerged as a well-defined administrative unit, known as sarkar. Administrative officials, mentioned with respect to shiqq, were shiqqdar and faujdar.

           Chaudhuri was the head of a hundred villages. This was the nucleus of the administrative unit later called pargana. The village was the smallest unit of administration. The main village functionaries were khot, muqaddam (headman) and patwari. The judicial administration of the sub-division was patterned on that of the centre. Courts of the qazi and Sadr functioned in the provinces. The kotwal maintained law and order. At the village level, the panchayat heard civil cases.

Q.  Write a note on the currency system of the Delhi Sultans.

A.   The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by a considerable growth of the money economy which accelerated particularly in the first half of the 14th century. Since the growth of the money economy in simple words means larger use of currency in transactions (monetisation is another term for this phenomenon), a large scale minting of gold, silver and copper coins that followed the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was an attendant process of the monetisation of the Indian economy. The period prior to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by the scarcity of coinage, particularly of pure silver. Except for an increase in the number of coins stamped, no changes were introduced in the beginning. The coins continued to bear the image of goddess Lakshmi or bull-and-horseman, etc. Only the name of the new ruler in a corrupt form got inscribed over it in Nagri script. These coins were called Dehliwal.

         Iltutmish (1210-36) is credited for standardizing the coinage of the Delhi Sultanate. The currency system established by him in its essentials survived the Delhi Sultanate. He introduced gold and silver tankas and a copper jital that was reckoned at 1/48th of tanka in North India and 1/50th in the Deccan after the conquest of Devagiri. A firm ratio of 1:10 between gold and silver appears to have been established. The Sultanate mints generally uttered coins in three metals: gold, silver and billon (copper mixed with a very small quantity of silver). The main coins were tanka and jital but some smaller currencies were also in circulation. Barani mentions dangs and dirams in use at the capital Delhi. The equation between these currencies in the north has been worked out as:

             1 silver tanka = 48 jital = 192 dangs = 480 dirams

The gold and silver remitted from Bengal was the main source of coinage during the 13th century. The seizure of treasure hoards in northern India and later in the Deccan was the other major source of silver and gold for coinage. The Sultanate mints should not only have coined government money but also stamped bullion and foreign coins brought the private merchant.

 The silver currency remained dominant until the reign of Alauddin Khalji. From Ghiyasuddin TughluQ's reign, a decline in silver coinage in relation to gold and billon set in. Under Muhammad Tughluq gold coinage overshadowed the silver, and silver coinage practically disappeared under Feroz Tughluq. In the 15th century, billon coinage dominated (the Lodis (1451-1526) uttered no other coins).

Token Currency of Muhammad Tughluq

The only major innovation in the currency system established by Iltutmish was made by Muhammad Tughluq. The Sultan introduced a coin of copper and brass alloy and reckoned it at the value of a silver tanka. This coin for the first time carried an inscription in Persian. This new currency whose face value was much higher than its intrinsic value (that is, the value of the metal it was made of) is termed as token currency. Muhammad Tughluq's experiment, too, met total failure perhaps owing to the fact that the new currency could easily be forged. However, the Sultan accepted the failure with grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure currency.

Q.  Discuss the chief characteristics of Alauddin Khaljis market control policy.

A.   Set of seven regulations were introduced by Alauddin Khalji which came to be known as market-control measures. The Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle, etc. (Regulation 1). These prices were really to be enforced since the Sultan carefully made all arrangements for making the measure a success. A controller of the market (shahna-i mandi), barids (intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret spies) were appointed (Reg. 2). The grain merchants were placed under the shahna-i mandi and sureties were taken from them (Reg. 4). The Sultan himself was to receive daily reports separately from these three sources (Reg. 7). Regrating (ihtikar) was prohibited (Reg. 5). While ensuring strict control in the market, the Sultan did not overlook the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains and essential commodities. 

           Obviously, the grain merchants could bring supplies to the market only if they could get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for this reason that the Sultan decreed such rigour in the realization of land revenue in the Doab that the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the grain merchants at the side of the field (Reg. 6). The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and in Chhain in Rajasthan. The land tax from the khalisa in the Doah was realised in kind. The grain went to the state granaries (Reg. 3). The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 lakhs of tankas as an advance loan to purchase and bring a cloth to the market. 

            The Sultan succeeded in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market due to various market measures. The Sultan was anxious to have a large army and to take other precautions such as the building of forts at strategic places, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol invasions. If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed at the prevailing

salaries, the drain from the state treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level.

       Since the main army encampment was in Delhi and most bf the royal troops were to be stationed in or around Delhi, the main area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since the Supplies of cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the surrounding districts of the Doab the low prices ought to be prevalent there as well. 

       The market control did not survive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after Alauddin Khalji's time. A very efficient and alert administration was imperative for the success of price control. Therefore, one possible reason for it is not surviving could be the lack of sufficiently competent administration. Another reason was since the prevalence of low prices implies lower revenues from the low-price zone, the price control was viable as long as the zone of low prices was restricted and most of the expenditure was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more, remaining a threat, the army and the expenditure were to be dispersed Far widely and not to be concentrated at and around Delhi alone. The interest of the state treasury was now to dismantle price control measures.

Q.  Economic policies by Allauddin khalji

A.  Above answer for urban people

Agrarian measures by Allauddin - The Islamic land tax with which the new rulers of India were familiar was kharaj. The kharaj was essentially a share in the produce of the land and not rent on the land.  His attempt was to increase the revenue collection by enhancing the demand, introducing direct collection and cutting down the leakages to the intermediaries.  The demand was thus fixed in kind but realization appears to be mostly in cash. Barani informs us that the revenue collectors were ordered to demand the

revenue with such rigour that the peasants should be forced to sell their produce immediately at the side of the fields. At another place, Barani says that Alauddin Khalji brought the Doab into khalisa apd the tax (mahsul) from there was spent on paying the cash salaries to the soldiers. Yet there is a rather contradictory statement by the same author that the Sultan ordered that the peasant should pay tax in kind and not in cash.

Q.  Analyse the internal and foreign trade in India during the Sultanate period. 

A.  Inland Trade

The inland trade developed at two levels : 

(a) the short distance village-town trade-in commodities of bulk, &

(b) long-distance inter-town trade in high-value goods.

               The urban centers were dependent on the supply of food grains and raw material for manufactures from the surrounding villages whereas the villages had to sell the agricultural products to receive cash for meeting the land revenue demand. The peculiar nature of this trade was the one-way the flow of commodities. While the towns received grains & raw material from the villages in the vicinity they had no need to send their products in exchange for the villages which were by and large self-sufficient. This one-way trade was owing to the land revenue demand imposed upon villages which naturally led to a continuous drain on the rural sector and made the towns dependent on villages. The turnover of this trade was high in terms of volume but was low in terms of value.

             The inter-town trade was mainly in luxury articles and was thus high-value trade. The manufactures of One town were taken to another for example. the capital received distilled wines from Kol (Aligarh) and Meerut, muslin (fine cloth) from Devagiri and striped cloth from Lakhnauti (Bengal). Similarly, ordinary cloth came from Awadh and betel-leaf from Malwa (twenty-four d!ays journey from Delhi). Candy sugar was supplied to Multan from Delhi and Lahore and ghi from Sirsa (in Haryana). The long-distance inter-town trade also carried goods coming from other countries.

Foreign Trade: Seaborne and Overland

         During the Sultanate period, overland and overseas trade were in a flourishing state. Seaborne Trade. The Khalji annexation of Gujarat enlarged trade relations between the Delhi Sultanate and the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea Gujarat was connected with the Persian Gulf as well as the Red Sea. Hormuz and Basra were the chief ports for the ships passing through the Persian Gulf, while the ports of Aden, Mocha and Jedda along the Red Sea were important for Gujarat. Through these ports, commodities moved on to Damascus and Aleppo, on the one hand, and Alexandria on the other. Aleppo and Alexandria opened up to the Mediterranean Sea with linkages to Europe. Merchandise of Gujarat was also carried towards the East - the port of Malacca situated at the Malacca straits and Bantam and Achin in the Indonesian archipelago.

            The main export from Gujarat to Malacca was the coloured cloths manufactured in Cambay and other Gujarat towns. These clothes were in demand in these places. In exchange, the Gujarati merchants came back with spices grown there. This pattern of "spices for colored cloths" continued even after the Portuguese advent in the Asian waters. The ports of Bengal had trading relations with China, Malacca and the Far East. Textiles, sugar and silk fabrics were the most important commodities exported from Bengal. 

Coastal Trade

              Coastal trade to flourished right from Sindh to Bengal, touching Gujarat, Malabar and Coromandel coasts in between. .This provided an opportunity for the exchange of regional products along the coastal line distinct from inland inter-regional trade.

Overland Trade

Multan was the major trading 'center for overland trade. India was connected to Central Asia, Afghanistan and Persia through the Multan-Quetta route.

Imports and Exports

The two principal items of import were : 

(a) horses - that was always in demand for

cavalry, since superior horses were not bred in India and the Indian climate, was not well suited to Arabian and Central Asian horses. They were primarily imported from Zofar (Yemen), Kis, Hormuz, Aden, and Persia;

 (b) precious metals viz. gold and. silver, especially silver that was not at all mined in India but for which there was a high demand not only for metallic currency but also for fashioning luxury items. The Sultanate India mainly exported grain and textiles. Some of the Persian Gulf regions totally depended on India for their food supply. Besides, slaves were exported to Central Asia and indigo to Persia along with numerous other commodities. Precious stones like agates were exported from Cambay.

Q.  Describe the new techniques introduced by the Turks in the field of textile production. Also, discuss their significance. 

A.   The most important technological revolution in the textile sector was the introduction of the spinning-wheel (charkha) through the agency of the Muslims during the 13th-14th centuries. Charkha did not exist in Ancient India. This new contribution. however, it did not displace the spindle rather it only accelerated the latter's rotation. The spindle was, attached to the wooden frame of the charkha at its one end to be set in motion by the belt which was wrapped over the wheel at the other end of the frame. connecting it to the spindle. Thus. the charkha combined within itself the element of power-transmission (through belt-drive) and the principle of flywheel resulting in differential speeds of rotation. This is one of the revolutionary development introduced by the Turks. It greatly enhanced productivity due to technology up-gradation.

           A spinning-wheel could produce yarn six-fold more than the spindle during the same unit of time. This must-have resulted in a greater output of yarn and constantly more cloths. It must be pointed out that the yarn from spindle was of a very fine quality whereas the charkha produced coarse yarn for coarse cloths.

Weaving

A horizontal loom of throw-shuttle type was used for the simple weave. This loom allowed the weaver to employ his otherwise idle feet to lift and depress the sets of warp threads while his hands worked mainly upon the shuttle and the shed. This increased the pace of weaving.

Dyeing and Printing

Various colours derived from vegetable and mineral sources were used for dyeing. Indigo, madder and lakh, etc. were widely employed. Indigo was used for both bleaching and dyeing. For fast colours, many articles like alum were added. The Indian dyer (rangrez) employed many techniques like immersion, tie-and-dye

(bandhana), etc. But block-printing (chhapa) was perhaps unknown in Ancient India. Scholars credit the Muslims with its diffusion in India.

Q.  Examine-in short the features of agricultural technology during the 13-15 century. 

A.  Plough - The entire frame earlier was of timber, the ploughshare/courter was made of iron. This metallic piece immensely helped in the tillage of comparatively harder soil. The common technique was the plough with an iron share was drawn by two yoked oxen. 

Sowing -

For sowing, the method of broadcasting was known. The practice was to scatter seeds manually by taking them out from a cloth-bag slung over shoulders.

Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing

Harvesting was performed with a sickle, and threshing by using oxen who walked round and round over the ears put on the threshing floor. "Wind power" was exploited in winnowing in order to separate the chaff from the grain.

Irrigational Devices

There were many sources of water for the purpose of irrigating fields. Rainwater was a natural source. Ponds and tanks received this water which was used for irrigation. Water channels formed by inundation, too, served the same purpose. But the most important controlled source was the water of the wells, especially in North India. Almost all the irrigational devices were oriented towards drawing water from wells. Broadly, there were five devices or techniques to raise water from wells:

i)  The most simple technique was to draw water with rope and bucket by using hands without any mechanical aid. Obviously, then, the bucket was small in size and, thus, this operation would not have adequately served to water large fields.

ii)  The second method was the employment of pulleys (charkhi) combined to the rope-bucket contraption which was, once again, activated manually. Undoubtedly, the pulleys needed a lesser amount of human energy and, therefore, comparatively larger bags or buckets could have been attached to the rope. It was also used for domestic purposes, especially by women.

iii)  An improved method of the rope-bucket-pulley contraption was the employment of a pair of oxen to replace human-power. At this stage, it had become a specialized device for drawing water intended specifically for irrigation. In some areas of North India, it is still in operation known as charasa. The latter is a huge bag that gives an idea of the immense quantity of water raised from the well in one single haul-up.

iv)  The fourth technique was what is considered to be semi-mechanical as it worked on the First Class Lever principle. A long rope is lashed to the fork of an upright beam or trunk of a tree (especially meant for this purpose) to put it in a swinging position. The bucket is fastened to a rope whose other end is tied to these of-the the swinging pole hovering over the well. The pole's other end carries a 'counterweight', a little heavier than the bucket when filled with water. Thus, the fulcrum forms at the center of the pole, with weight and 'counterweight' (Effort) at its two ends. This contraption requires only a little effort on the part of the person operating it.

V)  The fifth water-lifting method is called saqiya or 'Persian Wheel'. None of the four mechanisms described above required wheels as their basic components. This - water-wheel could well claim to be called a water machine because of the employment of the gar system. In India, Its earliest form was one wheel with pitchers or pots of clay attached around the rim of the wheel It was called araghatta or arahatta. In the second stage, there was a chain or garland(Hindi: mala) of pots was provided which was long enough to reach the water level of the well. At the third and final stage, we find three developments to have taken place:

a) addition of two more wheels;

b) gear mechanism; and

c) the use of animal power.

Q.  Urban craft production in Delhi Sultanate --- 100

Q.  Organisation of non-agricultural production during the Sultanate period 100

Q.  Mention the new technologies introduced by the Turks in India. What were its impacts? --20

A.  Urban crafts - 

Papermaking

During the Delhi Sultanate, the paper was used for many purposes, especially for books. farmans and numerous commercial and administrative documents. Paper was available on a large scale so much so that sweetmeat-sellers of Delhi delivered sweets to the buyers in paper packets called purya. The practice of writing boob on paper was accompanied by the craft of bookbinding which was an innovation in India.

Glass Manufacturing

With the Muslim advent, pharmaceutical phials, jars and vessels started coming to India from the Islamic countries. 

Ship navigation

For navigation, the magnetic compass was a great contribution which the Muslims diffused in India.

Tin Coating

Domestic utensils of copper (and brass) are prone to acid poisoning from sour food kept in them. A coating of tin is given to them frequently, especially inside, to protect them from the chemical action of acid food. This craft came to India along with the

Turks.

Textile technology above answer.

Military Technology - Here we deal with 3 things- 
i) stirrup,
ii) horseshoe, and
iii) gunpowder

Stirrup - Proper stirrup was the contribution of the Muslims. This stirrup was first used in China around the 6th century A.D., and later it diffused into Persia and other Islamic countries during the next century. The stirrup replaced human energy with animal power, and immensely increased the warrior's ability to damage his enemy. It made possible mounted shock combat, a revolutionary new way of doing battle.

Horseshoe - It was brought by the Turks when they came to India. The horse's hoof is a constantly growing horny structure like the human nails, susceptible to breaking, splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat horses keep their feet worn down And, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and domesticated horses when in use, require shoeing, especially in moist latitudes.

A horse with footsore will limp and, hence, of little use to the rider. Shoeing offers two advantages: first, it gives a better grip on soft ground; and secondly, the hooves get protection on rough ground.

Gunpowder and Fire Arms 

The immigrant Turks brought gunpowder to India perhaps in the late 13th or early 14th century. But it must be pointed out that even by the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah Tughluq its only use was for pyrotechny or fireworks (atashbazi), not for fire-arms or for propelling cannon-balls. Fire-arms were used for the first time during the second half of the 15th century in some regions of India like Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan.

Construction Material and technique

Lime Mortar -

lime mortar was brought by the immigrant Muslims during the Delhi Sultanate. The basic ingredients in lime-mortar were lime (chuna) and surkhi (pounded bricks). Lime was of various kinds, according to the material from which it was extracted. The two major sources of lime were gypsum and gravel (kankar). The later was first burnt in kilns yielding quicklime. This quicklime was then treated with water to turn it into slake lime. Surkhi was added to this mix.

Arch and DomeIVaulted roofing

One result of lime mortar was the extensive use of bricks as it made the brick buildings more durable. Another important consequence was that lime mortar paved the way for the construction of true arch (mihrab). Actually,, the very arrangement of bricks or stones in making a true arch demands a strong cementing material to hold the voussoirs together. Lime mortar fulfilled this need. This explains the almost total absence of true arch in Indian buildings prior to the Turkish advent.

Q.  Describe the Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq.

A.  Muhammad Tughluq became the first Sultan to attempt to formulate an agricultural policy for promoting agriculture. He introduced the practice of giving agricultural loans named sondhar for increasing the area under plough and for digging wells for irrigation. A new ministry designated diwan-i amir-i kohi was established to promote agriculture. Its two main functions we-re to extend the area under cultivation and to reclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping pattern. It was recommended that wheat should.be replaced by sugarcane and sugarcane by grapes and dates.

EHI - 3

3rd Part

Q.  Who were Mongols ? Give a brief account of their rise in Central Asia. 

A.  The Mongols were dwellers of the steppe region, north of China and east of Lake Baikal. In the early decades of the thirteenth century, Asia and Europe experienced a new wave of nomad conquerors from the east, an invasion more formidable and devastating than any other known to history before. These new invaders were the Mongols, who are best known for the great empire which they formed under Chengiz Khan. By the close of the thirteenth century, the Mongol empire covered a vast portion of the known world: China, Manchuria, Korea, North Vietnam, Tibet, Turkestan, Afghanistan, Iran, Mesopotamia, Southern Russia, and Siberia. 

              The sudden rise of Mongols to power appears to fall in line with an old pattern characteristic of the steppes. Long periods of internecine conflict between bands of nomads would throw up a leader of outstanding ability who after ironing out differences between the warring hordes welded them into a powerful coalition.

Through choice or compulsion, the smaller, fragmented nomadic groups were absorbed into the coalition. The next stage saw the nomads aggressively directed at the surrounding sedentary societies.

           Under Chengiz Khan the Mongols became a formidable force. The first military efforts of Chengiz Khan were devoted to bringing the pastoral tribes of the eastern steppes under his sway. The first military efforts of Chengiz Khan were devoted to bringing the pastoral tribes of the eastern steppes under his sway. Internally consolidated, the Mongols burst out of the confines of Mongolia and in 1211 AD, breached the Great Wall of China. It took the Mongols just about three years 1219-22, to complete the annexation of Transoxiana and Khurasan. Two years after, returning to Mongolia in 1225, Chengiz Khan died. By then the whole of northern China had been annexed. The empire was divided among his sons.

Q.  Briefly discuss the Mongol incursions in 13th—14thcentury India. 

Q.  Examine Delhi Sultans' response towards the Mongol challenge. 

Q.  Discuss the rise of Mongols in Central Asia. How did the Delhi Sultans face their attacks on India? 

Q.  Write a brief note on the Mongol problem during the Delhi Sultanate.

A.  The response of the Sultanate towards the Mongol challenge can be divided into three phases: (i) aloofness (ii) appeasement  (iii) resistance

A.   Iltutmish followed the policy of aloofness. The Delhi Sultans had to face the Mongol threat as early as A.D. 1221 when Chengiz Khan reached the Indian frontiers. Chengiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish's court. It is difficult to say anything about the Sultan's response, but so long as Chengiz Khan was alive (d. A.D. 1227), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the north-west region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have possibly been arrived at. Iltutmisln shrewdly avoided any political alliance with the Khwarizm Prince who was sought by Chengiz Khan. A shift from Iltutmish policy of 'aloofness' to 'appeasement' was the result of the extension of the sultanate frontier up to Lahore and Multan which exposed the Sultanate directly to the Mongol incursions with no buffer state left between them. Razia Sultan also followed the policy of appeasement by not joining the anti-Mongol alliance.

             Between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the policy of annexation of India thus bringing an end to the non-aggression pact with Delhi. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol threat. The main reason was the change in the situation in Central Asia. The Mongol Khan of Transoxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian Khanate and, thus attacked India to improve his fortunes. 

             A distinct change in Delhi Sultan's policy can be seen from Balban's reign onwards. On the whole, it was the phase of 'resistance. By and large, Balbm remained in Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the Mongols, at least from the Beas. Balban used both 'force and diplomacy' against the Mongols. He took some measures to strengthen his line of defense. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam, and Samana were reinforced to check any Mongol advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in occupying Multan and Uchh but his forces remained under heavy Mongol pressure in Punjab. 

            During Alauddin Khalji's reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they attempted to ravage Delhi for the first time in A.D. 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja. Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols and was ravaged again in 1303 AD. Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution. He recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. As a result, the Mongols were repulsed in 1306 and 1308. Thereafter Mongols got entangled in the civil war and their power weakened thus helping the Delhi Sultanate to extend and consolidate its frontiers. 

Q. Give a detailed account of the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate under the Khaljis. 

A. The first of Khalji Sultan, Jalaluddin couldn’t expand the Delhi Sultanate during six years of his reign. It was under Alauddin Khalji, his assassin, and successor that territorial annexation and expansion of the Sultanate started. 

West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at Delhi undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299 which was the first project of territorial expansion under him. The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan and the province was plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor. Continuing with westward expansion, the next kingdom to fall was that of Malwa in 1305. The province of Malwa, after its fall, was given for administration to Ainul Mulk who was known to also bring Ujjain, Dhar, and Chadderi under his control. Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometers to the south-west of Jodhpur and the fort and the territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg in 1309. In the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Kamaluddin

Gurg. 

North-West and North India -

         In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai Hamir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege which was eventually captured after 6 months of siege. In pursuance of the same policy, Alauddin attacked and captured the kingdom of Chittor in 1303. Khizr Khan was assigned the governorship of the territory. 

Deccan and Southward Expansion - 

            The military campaign in the Deccan was planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Devagiri in 1306-7. The command of the campaign was given to Malik Kafur, the campaign was successful as the king surrendered and agreed to pay regular tributes. The acquisition of wealth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation was the prime motive in sending these expeditions. Accordingly, in October 1309 the Imperial army began its southward march under the command of Malik Kafur and captured the fort of Sirpur. By the middle of January 1310, Warangal was attacked and the war came to an end due to surrender by Rai Rudra Dev. He agreed to part with his treasures and pay annual tribute as a token of submission. In February 1311, the Imperial army under Malik Kafur attacked Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal and it was captured after surrender offer by Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns were aimed at achieving two basic objectives:

(i) formal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these

regions, and

(ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life.

Q.  Give a detailed account of the expansion of the sultanate under the Tughlaqs. 

A.  The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi When Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the throne in 1320. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and demanded immediate attention to the new ruler. The outlying provinces had proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to the heartland. This required fresh military campaigns for the reinforcement of imperial authority in South India. 

The South - 

In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) started for the south with a large army. Without much resistance in the way he reached Warangal. After two sieges, each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to surrender. But this time there was no forgiving and thus the fort was occupied, plundered and some demolitions affected. The Rai was made a prisoner and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under direct imperial administration. In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Malabar to submission

and set up direct imperial administration there. The region of Telingana was thus made a part of the Delhi Sultanate and divided into several administrative units.

            The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars in the South. Bhanudeva II, the ruler of Jajnagar in Orissa supported Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter. Ulugh Khan, therefore, after laving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324, marched against Jajnagar. A fierce battle Ulugh Khan(Muhamad Tughlak) was victorious. He plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar was annexed and made a part of the Sultanate. In 1323-24 Bengal was also brought under the Sultanate.

Northwest and North - In 1326-27 Muhammad Tughluq led campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. These regions were successfully captured and after settling the administrative arrangement of the newly conquered regions and he marched back to Delhi.

Q.  Compare Alauddin Khalifs and Muhammad bin Tughluq's Deccan and Southern campaigns.
Q.  Discuss the Delhi Sultan's policy towards Deccan and South India.
A.  Above ans.

Q.  Discuss the consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate in India during the 13thcentury.

A.    The period between 1206-1290 was the formative years of establishment and consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged, multi-cornered conflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed Rajput resurgence. Muhammad Ghori's sudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy among his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz: Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already been deputed as the 'viceroy' of Muhammad Ghori and the overall commander of the army in India.

              Early in brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore in order to frustrate Yalduz's ambition of annexing Punjab and thus thwarting his attempt to establish himself in India.

              Aibak was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the Turks had slipped out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had withheld tribute and repudiated allegiance. Iltutmish's quarter-century reign (1210-1236) was distinguished by a concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate's authority on areas that had been lost. in 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Iltutmish wrested the province of Lahore from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor.

          Though the Mongol presence had upset Iltutmish's plan of consolidation on the north-west, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh. As a consequence, Iltutmish was able to seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. About 1228, he launched a two-pronged attack on Multan and Uchh. Unified control over the north-west now became possible for the Delhi Sultanate. In Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana, and Thangir. 

          Iltutnish's death saw sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks. In a period of thirty years, four rulers, (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied the Throne but the actual power remained in the hands of 40 slave officers of Iltutmish. Between 1235-1265 political developments revolved around the conflict between the crown and a military aristocracy, determined to retain its privileged position. 

          The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler. Balban addressed himself to two major objectives:

i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaborate court ceremonials, and inculcation of Sassanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary folks, converting him into a symbol of awe;(ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions

were put down with determination and administrative procedures were streamlined.

Q.  In what ways did Iqtas help in the consolidation and later decline of the Delhi Sultanate? 

A. Iltutmish had introduced a sound system of revenue assignments (iqta) through which the vast bureaucracy was maintained. Feroz Tughluq's reign, however, saw deterioration in its working which had devastating consequences on the Sultanate. During his reign, revenue assignments tended to be hereditary and permanent which was completely different than before. This applied even to the royal soldiers. The tendency of the principal assignees to sub-assign their territories also increased greatly during later years. All this had deep implications. It meant not only loss of vast revenue resources to the state exchequer but by making the assignments permanent the Sultan allowed the assignees to develop strong local roots which led to wide-scale corruption and turbulence besides allowing them to have their area of influence independent of central authority. These steps led to the rise of regional states.

Rise of Regionalism - The signs of physical disintegration were witnessed for the first time during Muhammad Tughluq's reign in 1347 A.D. with the establishment of the Bahamani kingdom. But the Sultanate remained intact for at least nearly fifty years when finally the Timurid invasion (1398 A.D.) exposed its weakness. It provided ample opportunity for the nobles to establish their own areas of influence, independent of the Sultan. Governors like Khwaja Jahan (Jaunpur) in 1394 Khwaja in 1394, Dilawar Khan (Malwa) in 1401, Zafar Khan (Gujarat) in 1407, and some regions in Rajasthan also declared their independence during the 15th century. Bengal was already a semi-independent kingdom since the days of Bughra Khan. The Sultanate practically shrank to the radius of 200 miles around Delhi. It had deep implications.

                Loss of the fertile provinces of Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur, and Gujarat curtailed greatly the vast revenue resources of the state. That, in turn, disabled the center to wage long wars and organize campaigns against the refractory elements. The situation became so critical under the Sayyaids & the Lodis that even for regular revenue extractions the Sultans had to send yearly campaigns.

Q.  What innovations did Alauddin Khalji introduce in the land revenue administration? Did he succeed in eliminating the intermediaries? 

A.  There were three groups of the rural aristocracy they were - khot, muqaddam, and Chaudhuri who collected land revenue (kharaj) from the peasants on behalf of the state and deposited the same with the officials of the diwan-i wizarat. For this service, they were allowed perquisites (haqq-i khoti) as remuneration by the state which consisted of being exempted from the revenue of a portion of land held by them. Also, they took something from the peasants as their share of the produce . Besides land revenue (kharaj), every cultivator had to pay house tax (ghari) and cattle or grazing tax. As a result of financial powers, the intermediaries had become

intractable-always in readiness for rebellion. Allauddin leveled the following main charges against them:

a) They did not pay the revenue themselves on that portion of their land which was not exempt from assessment; rather they shifted their 'burden' onto the peasantry, that is, they realized additional levy from the peasants besides the fixed demand of the state in order to pay their own dues.

b) They did not pay the grazing tax.

c) The ill-gotten 'excess of wealth' had made them so arrogant that they flouted the orders of the revenue officials by not going to the revenue office even when summoned to render accounts.

                As a result, the Sultan had to strike at their resources for economic and political reasons. The measures taken by him were as follows:

i) The magnitude of the state demand was set at half the produce of the land. The land was to be measured (masahat), and the land revenue fixed on the yield of each unit of the area. The term used was Wafa-i biswa (Wafa = yield; biswa =1/20th of a bigha). Most probably, it was levied separately on the holding of each individual cultivator.

ii) The intermediaries and the peasants alike were to pay the same standard of the demand (50%) without any distinction, be they intermediaries or 'ordinary peasant' (balahar).

iii) The perquisites of intermediaries were disallowed.

iv) The grazing and the house tax were to be taken from the intermediaries also.

The measures taken were successful, though the peasants were protected now from the economic oppression of the intermediaries, the former had to pay a higher rate of taxation than they did earlier. Since the rate was uniform in a sense it was regressive taxation. Thus the state gained at the cost of the intermediaries, leaving the peasants in the lurch.

Q.   Critically examine the salient features of revenue administration under the Delhi Sultans. 
A.    Above answer 

Q.  Describe the central administrative machinery of the Delhi Sultans. 

A.   The central administrative machinery of the Sultanate consisted of the nobles controlling various offices with the Sultan at the helm of affairs. 

  The Sultan - The Delhi Sultans could make civil and political regulations for public welfare. Khutba and Sikka were recognized as important attributes of sovereignty. The khutba was the formal sermon following the congregational prayer on Fridays wherein the name of the Sultan was mentioned as the head of the community.

Coinage was the ruler's prerogative his name was inscribed on the coins (Sikka). The Sultanate witnessed a rapid rise and fall of dynasties. The Sultan, or a contender to the throne, could only keep himself in power with the support of the nobles who were themselves divided into numerous groups. 

The Wizarat (Finance) - 

              The wazir, as the head of the diwan-i wizarat, was the most important figure in the central administration. Though he was one of the four important departmental heads, he exercised a general supervisory authority over others. The wizarat organized the collection of revenue, exercised control over expenditure, kept

accounts, disbursed salaries and allotted revenue assignments (iqta) at Sultan's order. There were several officials who helped the wizarat such as the mushif-i mumalik or the accountant-general and the mustaufi-i mumalik or the auditor-general.

The Diwan-i Arz

The diwan-i arz or military department was headed by the ariz-i mumalik. He was responsible for the administration of military affairs. He inspected the troops maintained by the iqta-holders. He also supervised the commissariat duties (supply and transport) of the Sultan's army.

Other Departments

The diwan-i Insha' looked after State correspondence. It was headed by Dahir-i mumalik. This department dealt with all correspondence between the Sultan and other rulers, and between the Sultan and provincial governments. It issued farmans

and received letters from subordinate officials.

The barid-i mumalik was the head of the State news-agency. He had to keep informed of all that was happening in the Sultanate. The administrative subdivisions had local barids who sent regular newsletters to the central office. The barids reported matters of state - wars, rebellions. local affairs, finances, the state of agriculture, etc. Apart from the barids, another set of reporters existed who were known as munhiyan.

The diwan-i risalat was headed by the sadr-us sudur. He was the highest religious officer. He took care of the ecclesiastical affairs and appointed qazi. He approved various grants like waqf for religious and educational institutions, wazifa and idrar to the learned and the poor.

The Sultan headed the judiciary and was the final court of appeal in both civil and criminal matters. Next to him was the qazi-ul mumalik (or qazi-ul quzzat), the chief judge of the Sultanate. The muhatsibs (public censors) assisted the judicial department. Their task was to set that there was no public infringement of the tenets of Islam. 

Slaves and Karkhanas

Slaves were an important feature of the royal household. Alauddin Khalji owned 50,000 slaves, while Feroz Tughluq is reputed to have had 1.80.000 slaves. During his reign, a separate department of slaves (diwan-i bandagan) was set up. The slaves were used for personal service and acted as body-guards. 

              The needs of the royal household were met through karkhanas. Under Feroz Tughluq there were 36 karkhanas. Each karkhana was supervised by a noble who had the rank of a malik or khan, and a mutasarrif who was responsible for the accounts and acted as the immediate supervisor. A separate diwan or accounts office existed for the karkhanas. The karkhanas manufactured articles for Imperial household as well as for military purposes. There were weavers to manufacture cloth required by the court and for making robes of honor to be given in gift to the favored ones. It must be remembered, however, that articles produced in the royal karkhanas were not commodities, i.e. not for sale in the market. Nobles, too, maintained their own karkhanas.

Q.  Examine the nature of the Sultanate ruling class.

A.  At the time of the Ghorian invasions, north India was divided into a number of principalities ruled by rais and ranas (local chiefs) and at the village level, khots,  muqaddams (village headman) and Chaudhari. 

COMPOSITION OF THE RULING CLASS

The early Turkish ruling class was very much in the nature of a co-sharer of political and financial powers with the Sultans. In the beginning, the nobles (amirs) were practically independent in distant areas of the conquered territories where they were sent by the Centre as governors. The latter was designated muqti or wali and their territories were known as iqtas. Gradually, the practice began of transferring muqtis from one iqta to another. Many of the early Turkish nobles and Sultans (such as Aibak and Iltutmish) had started their early career as slaves but they received letters of manumission (khat-i Azadi) before becoming Sultans. One such was Qutbuddin Aibak. On his death in A.D. 1210, Ilturmish, one of his favored slaves, seized Delhi and set himself up as Sultan. The Sultans needed the support of the nobility to establish and maintain themselves in power. For instance, Iltutmish came to the throne with the support of the nobles of Delhi. The Turkish nobles played an important part in elevating Sultans to the throne and supporting contenders to the throne. The early Turkish nobility sought to emphasize their exclusiveness and their monopoly to rule. Efforts by other social groups to challenge their monopoly were resented and resisted. The nobles of Iltutmish called turkan-i-chihilgani ("The Forty") wielded considerable power-after his death. They were an important group, and efforts by the Sultans to incorporate other groups were met with much resistance.

            There was a change in the composition of nobles during the Khalji era. Alauddin Khalji further eroded the power of the older Turkish nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols, Indians, and Abyssinians. This trend towards a broadening of the composition of the ruling class continued during the rule of the Tughluqs.

             Under Muhammad Tughluq, apart from the Indians and the Afghans, the ruling class became unprecedentedly more heterogenous with the entry of larger numbers of foreign elements, especially the Khurasani. Even non-Muslim, as well as the converted Indians, were included in the nobility.

           The Afghans were frequently recruited into the feudal bureaucracy of the Delhi Sultanate. With the coming of the Lodis (145 1-1 526), the Afghan predominance got enlarged.

            It is significant to note that every Sultan sought to form and organize a group of nobles that would be personally loyal to him. This obviated the necessity of depending upon previous groups whose loyalty was suspect. But one thing was quite certain that every group tried to capture the attention of the Sultan-whether weak or strong because all privileges and power issued forth from the sovereign. This, in turn, went to a great extent in strengthening gradually the position of the Sultan himself if he was a man of strong will.

Q.  Discuss the factors responsible for the disintegration of the Delhi Sultanate. 

A.        One political reason for the decline of the Sultanate was the absence of any well established and universally accepted law of succession. This was in line with the entire history of the Islamic polity. As long as a Sultan was strong and was able to gain the support of some groups of nobles, he could continue with some superficial semblance of dynastic stability. Dissensions and conflicts amongst the ruling groups might remain apparently dormant in such circumstances, but at the slightest opportunity, their internal struggle would come to the force often in a violent

fashion. Initially, the iqta system served the central authority: its elements of transfer and non-permanence ensured the Sultan's power. On the other hand, the gradual disappearance of these principles, especially during Feroz Tughluq's rule, paved the way for the steady dissipation of the state's authority. The upshot was the emergence of autonomous and, then, independent political centers in different regions.

Some of the factors were-

1. No clear and well-defined law of succession developed in the Sultanate. The hereditary principle was accepted 'but not adhered to invariably. There was no rule that only the eldest son would succeed (primogeniture). In one case, even a daughter was nominated (for example, Raziya Sultan). 

                Thus, in the absence of any succession rule in the very beginning intrigues surfaced to usurp power: After Aibak's death, it was not his son Aram Shah but his slave and son-in-law Iltutmish who captured the throne. Iltutmish's death (1236 AID.) was followed by a long period of struggle and strife when finally Balban usurped the throne. 

2. The conflict between Nobility and Sultan

3. Crisis in revenue administration.

4. Rise of regional states.

EHI - 3

2nd Part
Block-2

Q.  Analyze the social organization of early medieval India with special reference to the Varna system. 

A.  The major economic forces of the period were largescale land grants, a decline of trade, commerce, and urban life; the paucity of money, agrarian expansion & growing agrarian character of society, and the emergence of relatively closed local units of production and consumption. On this basis evolved a social structure broadly characterized by a sizable ruling landed aristocracy, intermediaries and a large body of the impoverished peasantry. The unequal distribution of landed property and power led to the emergence of new social groups and ranks which cut across varna divisions like a brahmana, kshatriya, vaisya, and sudra. The other important changes in the social structure involved the emergence and proliferation of new castes, the hardening of caste relations and the acculturation of the tribes.

The post-eighth century social organization was marked by -

#  modifications in the varna system such as the transformation of Shudras into cultivators thereby bringing them closer to the vaishyas,

#  newly founded Brahmanical order in Bengal and South India wherein the intermediary varna were absent, and finally, the rise of the new literate class struggling for a place in the varna order,

# phenomenal increase in the rise of new mixed castes,

# unequal distribution of land and military power, which, in turn, accounts for the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions, and increasing evidence of social tensions.

        The early medieval period was characterized by the emergence and spread of new jatis (castes). The increase in the number of new castes affected the Brahmanas, the kshatriyas, the Kayastha and the Sudras. The number of mixed castes and of the untouchable castes increased enormously. The transformation of craft guilds into castes as a result of the decline of trade and of urban centers and the localized hereditary character of the crafts helped the process of the formation of new jatis. The Vishnudharmottara Purana, a work of the eighth century, mentions that thousands of mixed castes were produced as a result of the union of Vaisya women with men of lower castes.

Kayasthas - The scribe or the Kayastha community was a product of the socio-economic forces of the times. Land grants involved the transfer of land revenues and land to Brahmanas, religious establishments and officials. This and other complex administrative functions created the need for a body of scribes and record keepers who were employed to draft assignment of land and keep details of land transfer, including various items of revenue. This difficult job was carried out by a class of writers who were known variously as Kayastha, Karana, karanika, pustapala, Chitragupta, aksapatalika, etc.

The untouchables

A sizable section of the Sudras was rising in social and economic status after their association with agriculture, and sections of the Vaisyas, particularly those at the lower end, were descending to the level of the Sudras. Thus, there was a change in the relative positions of the two lower varnas. The Sudras were no longer slaves and servants; they emerged as tenants, share-croppers, and cultivators.

Absence of Intermediary Varnas in Bengal and South India 

removing distinctions between the vaishyas and Shudras resulted in the emergence of a social order typified by an absence of intermediary in Bengal and South India. The new Brahmanical order in these areas provided mainly for brahmans and Shudras. This may have been partly due to the influence of non-Brahmanical religions in these regions. However, the nature of the progress of Brahmanism also contributed to this development.

 Varnasamkara

Varnasamkara meant the inter-mixing and /or union of varnas/castes, normally not socially approved, leading to the emergence of mixed castes, which symbolized social disorder.

With the substantial increase in the number of new castes greater rigidity was introduced into the caste system and inter-caste marriages came to be viewed with disfavor. Earlier, anuloma marriages or marriages between a bridegroom from an upper caste and a bride from a lower caste were sanctioned. It was the pratiloma manage (the reverse of anuloma) which was censured. However, increasingly anuloma marriages too were not favored.

Q.  Write a note on various styles of temple architecture. 

Q.  Discuss the salient features of different styles of temple architecture. 

A.  Indian temples symbolized the very ethos, of the life-style of people through the Millennium. 

Major Styles -

The ancient texts on Indian temple architecture broadly classify them into three orders. The terms Nagara, Dravida, and Vesara indicate a tendency to highlight the typological features of temples and their geographical distribution.          

           Nagara and Dravida temples are generally identified with the northern and southern temple styles respectively. All of northern India, from the foothills of the Himalayas to the central plateau of the Deccan is furnished with temples in the northern style. The Dravida followed a more consistent development track and was confined to the most southerly, portions of the sub-continent, especially between the Krishna river and Kanyakumari. The Vesara style was confined to the country between the Vindhyas and the river Krishna. 

Shapes, Plans, and Language of Temples

Each temple style has its own distinctive technical language, though some terms are common but applied to different parts of the building in each style. The sanctuary, which is the main part is called the vimana where the garbhagriha or the inner sanctum containing the main presiding deity is located. The part surmounting the vimana is known as the shikhara. The other elements of the ground plan are -mandapa or pavilion for the assembly of devotees; antarala, which is a vestibule connecting the vimana and mandapa & the pradakshiapath, i.e. circumarnbulatory passage surrounding these. 

Ecological Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation

Temples have evolved depending upon the region and availability of raw material. In the relatively heavy rainfall areas of the western coast of India and Bengal, temples have sloping tiled roofs, giving rise to timber gables. To overcome the hazards of snow and hail, wooden sloped roofs are also employed in the temples of the Himalayan belt. In general, the hotter and drier the climate, the flatter the roof; open porches provide shaded seating and pierced stone. .screens are utilized to filter the light. Apart from the ecological influences availability of local raw materials played a dominant role in techniques of construction and carving.

Presiding Deities

Temples were dedicated not only to two great gods of the Brahmanical pantheon, viz., Shiva and Vihqu but to the Great Mother Goddess as well. Depiction of divinities big and small, benevolent and malevolent, celestial and terrestrial, atmospheric and heavenly, devas and asuras and countless folk deities such as yakshas, vakshis,' apsaras and kinnaris were frequently represented. Even animal or bird 'vehicles' (vahanas) of these divinities shed their muteness and become eloquent carriers of meaningful symbolism. Thus, Nandi, the agricultural bull of Shiva is fully expressive of the god's sexuality; the tiger, the mount of Durga embodies her fierce strength and aggressiveness. The river goddesses, Ganga and Yamma are identified by their vahanas, I.e crocodile & tortoise respectively. Lakshmi's association with

elephants, lotus flowers and water not only symbolize her popularity as the goddess of fortune but more importantly as a divinity conveying the magical power of agricultural fertility - an aspect that goes back to the days of the Rigveda. Swan carrying Saraswati typified not only her grace and elegance but the tremendous intellectual discerning capacity which is an integral element of this goddess of learning.

Q.  Describe the role played by temples on spreading the cultural ethos.

A.  To begin with, general education within the temple was of great importance. Many endowments to temples were specifically made for the establishment of college which were incorporated into temple complexes. The teaching of such subjects as grammar and astrology as well as recital and teaching of texts such as the Vedas, the Epics Ramayana, and the Mahabharata and the Puranas were encouraged. Music and dance generally formed part of the daily ritual of the temples and during special celebrations and annual festivals, these played a particularly dominant role. Large

temples would maintain their own musicians - both vocal and instrumental, together with dancers, actors, and teachers of performing arts. The life-size delineations of such musicians in a tenth-century temple at Khajuraho as well as in the Sun temple at Konarka and nata mandir (dancing hall) formed an absolutely integral element in the Orissan and other temples also provide eloquent testimonies to that effect. Many temples had regular festivals that provided opportunities for the mingling of mythology and folklore, as for instance, the annual hthayatra of the Jagarinatha temple at Pun. The undertaking of pilgrimage (tirtha yatra) is yet another mechanism through which the participation of the community in temple activities was facilitated. Temples provided work and the means of livelihood for a large number of persons, they were able to exert great influence upon the economic life of people. Religious establishments became centers of learning.

Q. Analyze the growth of the Bhakti movement in medieval India.

A. Bhakti movement constitutes a very important chapter in the socio-cultural history of India. From the mid-sixth century, Shaiva and Vaishnava saints (Nayanmars and Alvars respectively) and their followers practiced and propagated bhakti in the countryside & went to pilgrim centers singing and dancing. Originating in sixth century Kanchipuram, the area under the Pallavas, it had traversed the full length of Tarnilaham by the end of the ninth century and, engulfed all the major kingdoms of the Cholas, Pandyans and the Cheras. It, later on, engulfed the whole of North as a result of the impetus given by the Tamil saints. The spread of the movement is intimately associated with the temple base.

  Characteristics of the Bhakti Movement

1.  There was no need to perform rituals, yagas or complicated methods to praise god. One could worship God by love and devotion.

2.  There was no need to worship different idols or deities. Bhakti movement emphasized belief in one god.

3.  Bhakti saints emphasized stress on equality of all castes. They said that no one is high or low in front of god. Everyone is equal.

4.  Due to stress on castes' equality, other religions came closer to the Hindu religion. This emphasized Hindu Muslim unity.

5.  Before the bhakti movement, the Sanskrit language was used to perform yagas or rituals. Religious books or scriptures were in the Sanskrit language. This language was mostly understood by Brahmans. Common people were not able to understand this language. But bhakti saints preached in the language of common people. So it became easy to understand for everyone.

6.  Before the bhakti movement, it was plenty of complicated rituals to realize god or have the grace of God. But bhakti saints preached everyone that you only need a true, honest and kind heart to reach and realize god.

7.  Due to this movement religion became a matter of spirituality and devotion; instead of rituals and propaganda.

There were many factors that helped in the development of the Bhakti movement. Some important factors are as follows:

1. During the medieval period, Hindus were mistreated by Muslim rulers. Hindus were forced to convert their religion to Islam and imposed jaziya on them. To preserve their religion, Hindus supported and strongly contributed to the bhakti movement.

2. Hindu society was divided into lower castes and upper castes. The people of lower castes had to suffer discrimination, injustice, and cruelties by the persons of the upper castes. So, people of lower castes supported bhakti saints because these saints preached equality of castes.

3. Rituals and complicated methods were performed to praise god. But due to insufficient knowledge and lack of money, a common man was not able to do such kind of things. Bhakti saints preached the path of devotion and discarded all rituals. Bhakti saints told a common man that to realize God, one needs only a kind, loving and devotional hearth and nothing else.

4. There were many evils in Hindu society. Bhakti saints tried to remove these evils and emphasized on the moral life. So everybody supported them.

5. Due to mechanical methods of rituals, the Hindu religion had become a dead religion. There was no scope for any new idea, creativity, and thought. Bhakti saints tried to revive this religion. They make it more intellectual; instead of mechanical. This was a rebirth of Hinduism.

                The Alvars and Nayanars led some of the earliest bhakti movements (c. sixth century). Alvars – those who are “immersed” in devotion to Vishnu while Nayanars – who were devotees of Shiva. They traveled from place to place singing hymns in Tamil praising their gods. The Alvars and Nayanars initiated a movement of protest against the caste system and the dominance of Brahmanas or at least attempted to reform the system. This is supported by the fact that bhaktas or disciples hailed from diverse social backgrounds ranging from Brahmanas to artisans and cultivators and even from castes considered “untouchable”. The Nalayira Divyaprabandham (“Four Thousand Sacred Compositions”) – one of the major anthologies of compositions of the 12 Alvars compiled by the 10th Century. It was frequently described as the Tamil Veda, thus claiming that the text was as significant as the four Vedas in Sanskrit that was cherished by the Brahmanas.

Q.  Define Hero stones. Does change in the styles of hero stones reflects the change in the status of the hero being memorized. 

A.  The hero-stones are found in most parts of the Indian sub-continent. There has been a long and almost continuous history of these relics for more than 1500 years and extends to both Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical religions. They are locally called viragals, natugals, paliyas, Govardhana stambhes, Kirti-stambhas, Chhaya-stambhas, or merely as chhatris, stambhas devalis, etc. These tablets or pillars fall into several groups originating in ritual or cult practices as well as religious or social customs of its patrons :

#  The Chhaya-stambha is among the earliest archaeological evidence, and it seems to be rooted in the social practices of the Buddhists.

#  The nisidhi represents the ritual death practices exclusively by the Jains.

#  The viragals or at least the currency of this term-cross religious demarcation, if

not the conventional geographical limits of southern India.

#  The Kirti-stamba, paliya, chatri, devali and stambha share the country between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas-mostly in Gujarat and Rajasthan.

      The change in the style of hero-stones seems to reflect a change in the status of the hero being memorialized. Many of the earlier stones from Tamil Nadu come from the North Arcot district which is known to have been at that time an area of Livestock breeding, where cattle-raiding would be one method of increasing wealth. Later, elaborate stones commemorated heroes who claimed to belong to the upper caste groups, often claim Kshatriya status. The indication of the hero's religious sect was due to the influence of the bhakti sects. Hero stones are mostly found in upland areas, in the vicinity of passes across hills, and in areas regarded as frontier zones, pastoral region, outskirts of forests and 'tribal areas' of Central India. Hero-stone is relatively Infrequent in the large agricultural tracts of the Indus and the Ganga valleys a& in the agriculturally rich delta areas of the peninsula.

Q.  The Nayankara System 

Q.  Critically examine the formation and consolidation of lineage power in the Deccan.

A.   The emergence of new ruling lineages was a continuous process in the Deccan. The inscriptions issued between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries speak of the emergence of several major & minor ruling powers such as the Rashtrakutas, Chalukyas, Silaharas, Kakatiyas, Sevunas (Yadavas), Hoysalas, etc. The period in the Deccan was characterized not only by the emergence of the new ruling lineages but also by the branching off of the existing ones. Thus, apart from the main Chalukyan house ruling from Badami, there were collateral Chalukya lines ruling in various places such as Lata, Vengi as also a line bearing the Chalukya name in vemulavada. There were some individual members who claim to belong to the Chalukya kula or vamsha in different localities in Karnataka. Similarly, apart from the main Sevuna lineage ruling from Devagiri, there was a minor Sevuna family ruling over a territorial division called Masavadi. Similarily the Gangas & the Nolambas had also thrown off many junior branches. The branches of a ruling line continued to be operative for centuries even after the mainline disappeared from the arena. An example can be cited in the Vengi line of the Chalukyas, which was brought into being by Pulakesin-II of the Badami Chalukyas. The minor branches of the Gangas, the Kadambas, and others also outlived the main lines of their respective families. The status, power and territorial extent of the lineages w-re not uniform. Sometimes the relationship between the lineage and its territory was expressed in the form of the name of the area in which the lineage was dominant as for example the Gangavadi, Nolambavadi, etc. The changing distribution patterns of ruling lineages did not necessarily correspond to static territorial units. For example, the Kalachuris who appear in the sixth century A.D. as the rulers of a vast area comprising Malwa, Gujarat, Konkan, Maharashtra, and Vidarbha also established several nuclei of power as in Tripuri (near Jabalpur) and Ratanpur in the upper Narmada basin. One of their branches ventured into a remote area of Eastern India which came to be known as Sarayupar. A segment of the Kalachuri line migrated to Karnataka. Kalachuris of Karnataka claim to be the descendants of the Kalachuris of central India.

              The formation and mobilization of lineage power developed along with a variety of ways. A lineage power could be brought into being by simply replacing another. The Vengi line of the Chalukyas was brought into existence by eliminating the erstwhile powerholders of the Telugu speaking country when Pulakesin-11 of the Badami Chalukya line conquered it. Second, it could involve the settlement of new areas by an immigrant line and change of the economic pattern of the region. For example, Kalanjara having been conquered by the Pratiharas and subsequently by the Rashtrahtas, some members of the Kalachuri line living there migrated southward to seek new pastures. A segment of it migrated towards the forested tract of Kuntala and settled at Mangaliveda now in the Sholapur district of Maharashtra.