BPSE - 212

9th Part

Q. Dalit Movement in India.

A. Dalit movement in the post – Independence period in India can be divided into three phases, these are- phase I (the 1950s – 1960s), phase II (1970s –1980s); and phase III (1990s onwards. One of the common features of Dalit politics throughout the post – Independence period, especially from the 1960s onwards, e.g., to strive to have a party of their own or a party led by the Dalits. The shift in Dalit support from the Congress to RPI in the 1960s, to the Janata Party in 1977, the Janata Dal in 1989 and to the BSP in the 1990s onwards are examples of this desire of the Dalits. Several

factors have contributed to the rise of Dalit movement, especially from the 1980s onwards. These include the emergence of a new generation among Dalits, which is conscious of their rights, explosion of mass media and the impact of the ideas of Dr.

B R Ambedkar.

Phase I (the 1950s – 1960s)

          By implementing the universal adult franchise, reservation in educational and political institutions, and jobs for the Scheduled Castes as per the provisions of the constitution enabled a large number of them to take advantage of these facilities in the period following independence. Along with these, the state in India introduced several programs for the welfare of the disadvantaged groups of the society, especially the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Despite the difficulties in availing of their right to vote in many parts of the country, the politicization of the Dalits

took place to a considerable extent. Such a process made them conscious of their rights.

         The policies and strategies adopted by Congress helped Dalits to become a major social base. Meanwhile, there emerged the first generation of Dalit leadership borne after independence, which included educated middle-class professionals as well. This group became critical of dominant political parties and the cultural ethos, especially the Congress and the Hindu belief system. They started

feeling that the Congress was using them as the vote bank; the high castes were holding the leadership of this party and not allowing Dalits to get the leadership. On the cultural front, they felt that the Hindu religion does not provide them a respectable place. Therefore, in order to live respectfully, they should discard the Hindu religion and convert to Buddhism. 

                    The advocates of this opinion were influenced by the ideas of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. They formed the Republican Party of India (RPI) based on the ideas and principles of Ambedkar. In the late 1950s and 1960s, RPI launched a cultural and political movement in UP and Maharastra. A large number of Dalits got converted to Buddhism. The RPI emerged one of the important political parties in the assembly and parliamentary elections held in UP during the 1960s. But the RPI could not remain a force in UP after the 1960s because its main leadership got co-opted into the Congress, a party against whom it had launched the movement in the preceding decade.

Phase2 (1970-80) -

Dalit panther - With its main leadership had joined either the Congress or any other formation, the RPI movement had become almost an insignificant force. But the seeds sown by this movement resulted in the formation of Dalit Panther and its movement. But like the RPI movement, it had to suffer from the split. Two main

leaders of the Dalit Panther Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal developed differences on the ideological ground. The Dalit Panther could not be able to make an alliance of all exploited. It got divided between the Ambedkarites and Marxists, particularly after 1974 by-election to the Bombay parliamentary constituency.

Phase 3(1990 onwards) -

The 1990s have seen the proliferation of Dalit organizations in different states of the country. The case of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh is most important. Though the RPI had been influential in Uttar Pradesh like Maharashtra since the 1950s, the rise of the BSP has been the most striking feature of Dalit identity and politics in India. It has been able to lead the government in Uttar Pradesh thrice with a Dalit woman Mayawati as the chief minister. The BSP was founded in 1984 by its president Kashi Ram. Before forming the BSP Kashi Ram mobilized Dalits under the social and cultural organization and brought the Dalit middle classes under one umbrella. With the formation of the BSP, Kashi Ram changed the social and cultural organizations into a political party – the BSP. The BSP aimed to mobilize the majority of other sections of the society, the Bahujan Samaj, consisting of the Dalits, backward class

and religious minorities which excluded the high castes like Brahmans, Rajputs, and Banias.

       The BSP has been able to consolidate its position among Dalits

mainly for its strategy of electoral alliances and the public policies. From the 1993 assembly election of UP onwards, the BSP has entered into alliances with the major political formulations like Congress, the BJP and the Samajwadi Party in UP or the Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab. The main objective of BSP was to win the assembly & parliamentary elections or in the post-poll alliance to help it form the government. The rise of the BSP has imparted a sense of pride and confidence among the Dalits in the country. The special focus of the BSP-led coalition governments in UP on the Dalits in its policies has created & caused resentment among the

non-Dalits both among the high castes as well as the backward classes. The BSP has been able to counter this by the change in its alliance strategy. Unlike its initial strategy, the has been giving tickets to high castes. Though the BSP contributed to the politicization of Dalits to a large extent, it could not maintain the unity of the Bahujan Samaj.

Q. What was the tribal response to colonialism? Explain.

A.  The tribal movement against colonialism can be divided into 3 phases.

The First Phase (1795-1860) -

The rise and establishment of the British rule saw the beginning of the first phase (1795-1860) of the tribal uprisings which may be described as primary resistance movements. In the North-East the sub-phases of tribal rebellions could be similarly demarcated. The Garos and Hajongs who submitted to the British rule to escape the

tyranny of their zamindars came under the influence of the Pagal Panthi. Their chief, Tipu who became the leader of the oppressed peasantry, founded a kingdom and was arrested. The Khasis were engaged in acts of violence in the plains they raided from 1787 to 1825. The Khasis opposed the construction of the road, and the

confederation of Khasi chiefs resisted the British attempt at the occupation of their country, led by Tirot Singh. The British sent out expeditions to punish them.

The Second Phase (1860-1920) -

The second phase (1860-1920) coincided with the onset of the intensive period of colonialism, which saw a much deeper penetration of merchant capital, a higher incidence of rent, etc., into tribal areas. It intensified the exploitation of the tribes. As a result of this, there were a larger number of tribal movements against

colonization. Both Christianity and Bhakti movement contributed in this phase to the rise of tribal movements. The tribal movements demonstrated, in varying degrees, tribal resistance against the assaults on their system. The Kherwar movement among the Santals (1871-80), the Sardar revivalistic movement among the Mundas and Oraons(1881-90), the Tana Bhagat and Haribaba movements in Chotanagpur, the bhagat movement in Madhya Pradesh and Bhil revivalism, which were expressive of the tribals urge to create a new order.

             The movement led by Birsa Munda (1874-1901) is the best known of the socio-political movements of this phase because the movement sought to establish Munda raj and independence. The rebels attacked police stations and officials, churches and missionaries. There was an undercurrent of hostility against

the dikus (outsiders).

The Third Phase (1920-1947) -

             In the third phase from 1920 to 1947, we see three trends in tribal movements. The first trend is the impact of the freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi who mobilized some of the major tribal groups in the national movement and reconstruction program. The second trend is represented by the movements centering on land and forest revival and reform of tribal society. The third trend is reflected by the rise of movements seeking autonomy, statehood, separation, and independence led by the tribal middle class.

Q. Describe the main features of tribal movements in India.

A.       Tribal movements may broadly be classified into:

(a)  Political movements for autonomy, independence, state formation, and self-rule.

(b) Agrarian and Forest-based Movements: movements for control over resources, such as land & forest or the movements directed against land alienation, & displacement and against restrictions in the forest and for forest conservation

Political Movement

           It was in the Chotanagpur - Santal Pargana region of Bihar that the movement for political autonomy & formation of a state started. The Adivasi Mahasabha was wound up and merged with a new regional party, the Jharkhand Party, in 1949. The Jharkhand Party was thrown open to all residents of Chotanagpur irrespective of ethnicity of people. There was thus a transition from ethnicity to regionalism as a prime factor during the formation of this party. The period from 1952 to 1957 was in many ways the peak period for the Jharkhand movement and party, which had emerged as the major party in the Chotanagpur-Santal paragana region. The second

general elections in 1957 had seen it extend its influence to Orissa.               The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha emerged as a major political force in the industrial and mining belt of Chotanagpur and in state politics after the 1980 general elections. One of the major complaints of tribals is that the region accounts for 28 percent of minerals but receives only 15 percent of the state's budget for development. The development process is also exploitative for the local inhabitants as outsiders have moved into

the region and have seized all opportunities of employment. The Committee on Jharkhand Matters recommended setting up of an autonomous authority. The Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) came into existence in 1993, but it fell short of the expectations of the people who demanded nothing short of a full state. In the two general elections held in 1995 and 1996, the all India political parties advocating a separate state and thus Jharkhand state became a reality on 15 November 2000. It fulfilled the objective of a Jharkhand state set by the Jharkhand Party in 1950 and dream of a tribal raj held out by Birsa Munda, about one hundred years ago.

Political movement in N-E -

Political processes in the North-Eastern hills of India picked up on the eve of Independence of India when a considerable number of tribals and a substantial section of their elite among the Khasis, Mizos, Garos and even a section among the Nagas agreed to participate in the constitutional system of India. Old tribes assumed

new names, small tribes merged with larger tribes, and some tribes combined together to form a new ethnic-cum-territorial identity. While the processes for the formation of the autonomous councils or the state were almost common to all tribes, there were differences on the question of their relationship with the nation-state. A section of the Nagas chose the path of insurgency, followed by the Mizos, the Meiteis, and the Tripuris. Other sections of the same tribes later preferred integration.

Agrarian and Forest-Based Movements

In Independent India, tribals continued to face hardships like alienation of tribals resources such as land. Tribals are being displaced not only by non-tribals but also by the state and other organizations which require land for development. They are now pitted not only against other people but also against the state which they blamed as the major reasons for displacing them from their land. The tribals started asking for the restoration of the land that they lost by invoking the provision of the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Area Land Transfer Regulations, 1959, which come into

force in 1963. They also demanded the transfer of ownership and possession of the land allotted to them. Of late, they have come under the influence of CPI (ML) of the People’s War Group (PWG) and waged a violent movement against the state.

Naga Movement -

The Naga movement is the oldest ongoing movement for autonomy or independence of the state in India. The origin of the Naga movement could be traced to the formation of a Naga club in the year 1918 at Kohima. It had a branch at Mokokchung, which consisted mainly of the members of Naga elites, including govt officials who came from the administrative centers of Kohima and Mokokchung and a few leading headmen of the neighboring villages. The club discussed social and administrative problems involving all the tribes of the Naga Hills. The Naga Club submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1929. It prayed for keeping the hills outside the scheme of reforms and for continuing the direct British administration of the hills. In April 1945 the District Tribal Council was formed in the Naga hills at the initiative of the then Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills District. The nomenclature of this Council was changed to Naga National Council (NNC)in 1946. The constitution of the Naga National Council as the political forum of the Naga tribes was the beginning of the modern phase of the Naga movement. It gave a sense of political unity to the Naga tribes and it embodied the concept of Naga nationhood.

                The objectives of the NNC have developed through many phases from autonomy to independence. Under the 9-point agreement reached between the NNC and the Government of India — represented by the late Sir Akbar Hyderi, the then Governor of Assam on 27-29th June 1947, there were provisions for protection from land alienation, creation of administrative autonomy and special responsibility of the Government of India for their implementation. The Naga movement from 1947 to 1954 in the Naga Hills remained peaceful and constitutional. Towards the end of 1949, the Naga National Council changed its goals favoring

Independence outside India Union. In 1954, the Naga announced the formation of the Hongkin Government that is of Free Nagaland’. Violence broke out in 1954 and there were many incidents involving the Indian army and rebels, questioning the

authority of India.

                In July 1960, a 16-point agreement was reached between Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and a Naga delegation. On 1 August 1960, Prime Minister Nehru announced in Parliament the decision of the Government to make ‘Nagaland’ the 16th state of the Indian Union. Till 1968, several rounds of talks were held between the underground leaders. Another landmark was the signing of the Shillong Accord, on 11 November 1975 under the terms of which the underground Naga accepted the Indian Constitution, the deposited their arms and government of India, in turn, released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation. However, while there has been no resumption of insurgency and more and more underground workers have come over the ground, renouncing violence. Nagaland has generally

remained an oasis of peace and stability in the otherwise troubled North-East.

Q. What are the CHARACTERISTICS & CONSEQUENCES OF TRIBAL MOVEMENTS

A. Characteristics - The leadership of the tribal movements has mainly emerged from themselves. While the leadership of the first phase emerged from the upper crust of tribal society. They were disposed of tribal chiefs, religious figures, etc who have lost their importance and influence over the tribal society due to colonialism. The leadership of the second rose from the lowest rung of it. The Santal brothers were landless - Birsa Munda was a raiyat or a parja (crop-sharer) and Govind Giri was a hali. The leadership of the third phase and post-colonial periods was provided by the members of the upcoming tribal middle class, both in Central India and in the North-East. They were educated people which included priests,

catechists, teachers, public servants, rural leaders and professionals who spoke largely in secular idioms. The leadership of the social reform movement was provided by the outsiders such as the Gandhian workers, members of the Parja Mandal and of some tribal uprisings such as the Nagesia by even "Baniyas".

               The goals of the movement ranged from the restoration of the pre-colonial polity, service tenure (Chuar), and land (Sardar) and right of tribals in the forest to the expulsion of outsiders, end of taxation, social reform, political independence, or establishment of the tribal raj or participation in constitutional and democratic political apparatus, the formation of tribal states, gaining equality and end of exploitation. The social and ethnic composition of the tribal movements ranged from the participation led by a single tribe to a confederacy of tribes and the castes sub-ordinate to the tribes such as the artisans and service groups.

Consequences - There have been both short and long term impacts of tribal movements. In the short run, the authorities responded by taking immediate measures to address the tribal concerns, devise measures to protect their resources, prevention from land alienation, other grievances, etc. The Gandhian workers and Congress ministries which assumed office in 1937 started working on tribals' poverty, indebtedness and backwardness and put in place the first slew of welfare measures.

Q.  What was the Shillong Accord?

A.  It was an accord signed between the underground Nagas and the

Government of India on November 11, 1975. Under the terms of this accord, the Nagas accepted the Constitution of India, deposited their arms. The government of India released Naga political prisoners and promised their rehabilitation.

Q. What have been the main goals of the tribal movements in India?

A.  The main goals of the tribal movements included: restoration of the pre-colonial polity, service tenure, land, right to forest, the expulsion of outsiders, social reform, end of taxation, etc.

Q. Analyze the major issues of the environmental movement in India.

A.  There are three major issues confronting environmental movement-

Role Of the State - It is found that the state has acted in a biased manner in the issue of environmental pollution. The issue of environmental protection is split into two camps. One side is the ‘iron triangle’ in the form of ‘bureaucrats-industrialists - -politicians’ and on the other are the powerless victims of pollution and environmental degradation. Instead of working as a mediator to look into grievances of people, the state functions against the interests of the people. From history, we learn that nobody is ready to accept the existence of this issue. The people who are the victims of air or water pollution are left in cold with the burden of proof on their shoulders.

                  There were factories and industries in Vapi, Ankleshwar,

Nandesari and Baroda in Gujarat polluting the environment. When the affected people complained about the impact of pollution in the form of holes in the clothes and kitchen vessels or deaths of buffaloes or elephants by drinking polluted water, released regularly in the nearby open spaces, village ponds, ravines and rivers, the polluting industries’ first reaction is there is no such problem. When potato and banana-growing farmers of villages in the Baroda region of Gujarat complained about crop-destruction due to air pollution, the polluting industry instantly disowned and

disclaimed the responsibility.

                  The impact of pollution is first felt by the people but the

‘iron-triangle’ usually opposes its existence. People are ultimate, left with no other option but to launch a movement. It is the suffering people who find themselves in a strange powerless and helpless situation. Hence, they were forced to launch a movement to exert pressure by compelling the state first to recognize the existence of the issue and then make and implement preventive laws on pollution. People’s struggle continues even at this stage as the powerful lobby tries to dilute such laws. Violation of pollution laws was not at all dealt with firmly until about the Bhopal gas disaster occurred.

Role Of Judiciary - The environment movement in India has essentially passed through three phases. In the first phase which was the longest phase, legislative hurdles were crossed. That is to say, opposition, obstruction or dilution of pollution laws was done while being framed in legislatures. In the second phase, opposition to the implementation of already made anti-pollution laws was experienced. Here also the iron-triangle operated in favor of the polluters rather than in protecting the interests of the victims of pollution. In the current phase, as a final recourse to look into the grievances against those polluting and jeopardizing the increasingly fragile ecosystem, doors of the judiciary are knocked.

               According to legal experts, the Constitution itself is

environment-blind initially and hence, the 42nd Amendment to the Constitution has added Article 48-A. It instructs the state to make efforts for protecting and improving the environment, forests, and wildlife. Article 51-A is about the fundamental duty of the citizens ”to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers, and wildlife...”. The absence of environmental concerns in the Constitution is due to its obsession with development. These provisions have improved the prospects of judicial intervention in environmental matters. It has encouraged

environmental litigation by the victims of pollution or of environmental degradation.

                 However, from 1950-84, neither the state nor the civil society was concerned about systematic and organized degradation and destruction of the environment while pursuing the policy of generating prosperity through massive industrialization. Judicial activism rose in response to this neglect. The apex courts at the state and central level are flooded with petitions seeking the protection of the environment. This is a major achievement of the enlightened judicial process. As a result of the judiciary, activism action is taken against polluting industries. For instance, in Shri Ram Fertilizer case the court created “an idea of absolute liability” of manufacturer of hazardous substances, raw material, processes or products, lest any damages are caused to the people or workers.

Environment versus Livelihood

Environmental degradation is the result of a vicious circle in which most societies are so badly caught. It is argued that development is undertaken to remove poverty and improve the quality of life of the people. But the mode of development that is followed has turned out to be environmentally disastrous. Instead of reducing poverty, it has increased inequality, deprivation, marginalization and caused extensive environmental degradation. The industrialists, politicians and forest bureaucrats have formed a nexus to exploit natural resources without any restraint.

            Heavy industrialization is another potent source of pollution and a threat to the environment. Unchecked industrialization has released toxic gases, chemicals, effluents, and hazardous substances into the air, water, & soil. Another dimension of this issue pertains to the occupational hazards on the health and safety of the workers of some specific industries such as chemical, petrochemical,

pharmaceutical, pesticides, and fertilizer. The workers and the local population are found to be suffering from cancer, respiratory diseases, infertility, corrosion of fingers, toes, and holes in the nose (wall separating the nostrils). There is a decline in livelihood prospects from fishing, agricultural and horticultural activities. Such widespread impact has generated anguish among the victims and people's movements were launched.

             This shows that developing societies are really caught in a helpless situation. The market-centered and sensitive strategy of economic development has left us with little scope of amendments. If livelihood is generated, the environment is threatened and if the environment is protected, livelihood is threatened.

Q.  Describe nature of environmental movement in India.

A.  Widespread depletion and degradation of natural resources is the result of pushing nature far beyond its carrying capacity by mindless consumption. The forest communities to some extent and people, in general, have over-exploited natural resources.

Broadly environmental struggles are of three types-

In the first type, the issue of rights of different communities residing in nature overusing natural resources was discussed. This type of struggle does not question the development model or the acts of redefining man-nature relations. In the second type, we find concerns about the destruction & depletion of renewable and non-renewable resources but no legal corrections or challenge the dominant development model. The third type of response is substantial & fundamental to the issue. It aims at rejecting the dominant development model and redefines man's relationship with nature.

             All three types of environmental movements are centered around different natural resources such as air, water, land, forest or sea. Accordingly, they can be referred to as forest-based struggles, land-use struggles, anti-big dam struggles, anti-pollution struggles and struggles against the destruction of marine resources, etc. In ecological struggles, a large section of society is involved as participants like voluntary organizations, media, professionals like scientists, researchers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, technologists, human rights groups, sympathetic and concerned policy-makers, and bureaucrats. Each of these actors adds strength, vigor, guidance, and direction to struggle. However, most adversely

affected people like tribals, villagers, fishermen, etc. constitute the base of the struggle.

              There are different strategies employed in environmental movements. Firstly question and compare the possible benefit from such projects in comparison to environmental damage and loss of livelihood to the affected people. Most projects are hailed as development-oriented and therefore, they are likely to be fought back as anti-people, anti-national, anti-development, anti-progress, etc.

Q.  Discuss the impact of environmental movements in India.

A.  One major impact is movements have raised the issue of redefining our understanding of market, society, state, science, and nature. The issue of preserving diversity and plurality in society & nature is well-raised by environment movements. The environment movements have by and large remained “diverse and scattered”.

Their overall impact is uneven. Along with failures, there have been successes too. The Silent Valley movement’s impact was positive, successful and trendsetting The Doon Valley environment movement was partly successful. But at many other places, though, the movements are launched, intensified but not successful. Bhopal Gas disaster successfully drew the attention of the nation and the world but it has not succeeded in preventing hazardous products and processes. 

                Despite the persistence of struggles, thousands of people are displaced yearly due to large development projects. On the other hand, the movement has made a major contribution to give

centrality and public space to the cause of environment protection. This is a historic achievement as never before so much concern, awareness, involvement, and participation were witnessed. The government has made many policies on forests, wildlife, wastelands, water, air, and soil conservation. But there is a wide gap between the rising concern and actual action by the state. Interestingly, no political party, trade union or peasant organizations have made this to be their issue. The environment movements remain exposed to the dangers of gaps between

concern/thought and action; fragmented, co-optation, manipulation and distortion by government and vested interests.

Q. Silent Valley Movement.

A. This movement originated in Kerala. It is one of the earliest landmarks in the recent history of environmental movements in the direction of preserving the environment by people’s own struggle and agitation in India. The reasons for its origin lie in Kerala Government’s proposal to build a dam on the Kuntipuzha river in the early 1970s. The government’s concern was to generate prosperity for the state through increased industrialization. This was not happening because of the shortage of electricity in the state. The prime aim of building the dam was to generate power for industries. The construction of the dam was to cover 77 sq.kms. as a catchment area. As a consequence, India’s richest tropical forest, known as Silent Valley was to be flooded and submerged. It is interesting to note that unlike in most such cases, there was no

problem of displacement and rehabilitation of the people as the dam was to be constructed at a location where there was no human settlement. In this sense, the Silent Valley movement was the first purely and primarily fought environment movement. The odds against the movement were heavy. 

             The state government of Kerala was in total control of the issue as all the political parties and industrial lobby was in full support of the scheme and backed the government. The KSSP successfully mobilized local opinion against the dam and managed to rope in environmental experts like botanists, zoologists of international repute like Salim Ali, well-known economists, and engineers. This move strengthened the KSSP’s argument and position vis-a-vis the government’s technical teams. It forcefully presented its argument against the scheme on the grounds of adverse environmental consequences on “a rare ecosystem, rich in biological and genetic diversity”. 

                The KSSP went a step ahead as a strategy and argued that the required electricity could be generated easily by setting up thermal power stations in dispersed locations as well as by improving the power transmission systems. The KSSP was able to give this controversy the status of a genuine public debate far beyond the state. National attention was drawn. Furious debates, persistent campaigns, and constant relentless lobbying through the media, parliament and expert committees made dropping the idea of the dam in Silent Valley possible.

Chipko Movement

This movement was basically concerned with the preservation and protection of forests. It was an environmental movement for maintaining the ecological balance in the sub-Himalayan region of Uttar Pradesh. Four districts of Uttarkashi, Chamoli, Tehri, and Pauri form Garhwal division and cover a total area of 27,000 sq.kms. and about 14 lakhs population. It is interesting to note that due to the migratory nature of labor there are more females than males in this area. Employment is very low in this region. There are 97 percent working women as cultivators while only 72 percent of men are cultivators. Males work in the army and hence women are left behind to manage land, livestock, and household. Chipko is also interpreted as the feminist movement because of this. This movement originated in the Dasohli Gram Swarajya Mandal in Gopeshwar of Chamoli district. The movement was initiated by Gandhian Sarvodaya workers. The Sarvodaya workers were active in this area for about 13 years through various rural reconstruction work.

        The movement began on 24 April 1973. There was a historical

conflict of interests over forest and timber rights in this area between local villagers and Sarvodaya workers on one hand and timber contractors and forest bureaucrats on the other. The contractors were able to exert more influence over forest bureaucracy and local politicians to corner the forest benefits. Previous to Chipko mobilization, stirrings against the government’s forest policy and the department had taken place in this region too. The forest department rejected the Sarvodaya workers’ demand for 10 ash trees per annum for its farm tools workshop set up with the support from Khadi Gramodyog Commission. But it allotted 300 ash trees to the Simon Company for manufacturing sports goods like tennis rackets etc. The primacy thus was accorded to tennis rackets over the self-subsisting needs of the poor cultivator’s ploughs. The cutting of these 300 trees by Company agent was started in March 1973. Sarvodaya workers and 100 other villagers marched from the nearby areas to Gopeshwar.

               As a result of this resistance by the villagers, the company men beat retreat. In order to appease the protesters, the forest department showed readiness to concede one ash tree to Sarvodaya workers, if they let the Simon Company cut trees of its original quota. The temptation was raised to two, three, five and ten ash trees of full quota but it was rejected. The Simon’s quota was canceled but re-allotted in Phata Forest in another part of the district. In June 1973, other local leaders organized resistance and launched the Chipko movement. The trees were guarded by the village up to end December when the permit will automatically lose its validity.

BPSE - 212

8th Part

Q.  Midterm Elections.

A.  As per the provisions of the Indian Constitution, the routine election should take place every five years, but in case of the untimely dissolution of the house (Lok Sabha in case of Parliament or Vidhan Sabha in case of State Assembly) for whatever reasons, the next election should take place as soon as possible. Though most of the Lok Sabha elections have been held after the completion of the five years of the term of the house, yet there have been elections much before the schedule. When elections are held much before the scheduled, it is considered as the "Mid-term Election". The Lok Sabha elections of 1980, 199 1, 1998 and 1999 were the midterm elections held much before the schedule.

Q. Discuss the composition & role of Election Commission.

A. Composition - The Election Commission shall consist of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other Election Commissioners, as the President may from time to time fix and make an appointment. As per the elections laws, if the Election Commission becomes the multi-member body, the Chief Election Commissioner has to act as the Chairman of the Election Commission. From the beginning, the Election Commission consisted of the Chief Election Commissioner only. But it was only in the year 1989, a few weeks before the 9th Lok Sabha elections,

the Election Commission was made a multi-member body by the then Congress government. The National Front government amended the rules in the year 1990 to again make the Election Commission, a single-member body. But in the year 1993, when Congress came back to power, it promulgated an ordinance to again make it a multi-member body. The two Election Commissioners were appointed and since then, the Election Commission had remained to be a three-member body. To date, there had been12 Election Commissioners in India. Mr. Sukumar Sen was the first Election Commissioner of India.

Role - The role and functions of EC are included in part XV of the Constitution. The Election Commission of India is the highest constitutional authority to conduct elections in India. The power of superintendence, direction, and control of the election process vests with the EC. The preparation of the electoral rolls for conducting all elections to Parliament and to the Legislature of every state and also of the election to the office of the President and the Vice- President are vested with Election Commission.

              It is the duty of the Election Commission to make all necessary arrangements possible so that the voters can cast their votes without any fear or coercion. The entire election procedure takes a couple of months to be completed. Election Commission responsibility starts with declaring the schedule for holding the

election and concludes with the counting of votes and declaration of winning candidates from each constituency. The Election Commission tries to ensure that a polling booth is located not more than a distance of 2 km of every voter and the polling booth should

not have more than 1200 registered voters. On the polling day, all the polling booths are expected to be open for at least 8 hours. Safety and security to voters so that they can cast their votes without coercion is also the responsibility of EC.

Q. Mention the stages through which the election process passes.

A.    The entire election procedure takes a couple of months to be completed. Though the schedule for holding the election is announced by the Election Commission of India well in advance, the actual process begins by a formal declaration by the Election Commission of India calling upon a constituency to elect its representative. This is what is referred to as the Notification. The second stage is that of Filling of the Nomination by those desiring to contest elections. Earlier, ten days period was given to all the candidates for filing their nomination papers. But with the constitutional amendment act 1961, the total number of days for filing of nomination had been reduced to seven. As of now, the 7th day from the day of notification is the last day for filing of the nomination papers. In case the 7th day is a holiday, the day immediately after that is considered as the last day for filing nomination papers.

             The third step is the Scrutiny of Nominations. Earlier the second day after the nomination was fixed for scrutiny of nominations, but with the constitutional 47th amendment act, 1966, the day immediately after the nomination is fixed for the scrutiny of the nominations. The next step is Withdrawal of Candidates, which was earlier fixed for the third day after the scrutiny of the nominations, but later amended in the year 1966. At present, the second day after the scrutiny is the last date for the withdrawal of the candidates. In case that day happens to be a holiday the day immediately after that is fixed as the last day for withdrawal.

       The next stage of the election before the voting takes place is that of Campaigning. This is the time when the political parties put forward their candidates and arguments with which they hope to persuade people to vote for their candidates and parties. Earlier the campaign period lasted for three weeks, but since 1996, the time of the campaign period had been reduced to only two weeks' time. As of now, the official campaign lasts for two weeks from the date when the final list is put up by the Election Commission and officially ends 48 hours before the polling takes place. During the campaign period, the political parties and contesting candidates are

expected to abide by a model code of conduct evolved by the Election Commission of India on the basis of a consensus among political parties. The model code lays down broad guidelines as to how the political parties and contesting candidates should conduct themselves during the election campaign. It is intended to maintain

the election campaign on healthy lines, avoid clashes and conflicts between political parties and their supporters and to ensure peace and order during the campaign and till the results are declared. 

       The campaigning is carried out in the form of a slogan shouting, distributing pamphlets and posters, rallies and meetings in the constituency. During this period, the candidates try to travel through their constituency, to influence as many voters as possible to vote in his favor. The political parties and the candidates contesting election spend large sum of money on their election campaign, but there is a legal limit on how much a candidate call spend on his election campaign. For most of the Lok Sabha constituencies, the legal limit for expenditure campaign has been fixed for Rs. 15 Lakhs though in some states the limit is of Rs.6 Lakhs. The legal limit for campaign expenditure for the Vidhan Sabha election had been fixed for Rs. 6 Lakhs and in some states, it has been fixed for Rs.3Lakhs.

             The final stage of selection is Voting. With regard to polling, the earlier practice had been to have single day polling, but the recent practice has been for the phased polling in which polling takes place on more than one day with a gap of a couple of days between the two days of polling. This facilitates the movement of security forces from one place to another, which is engaged in managing law and order situation during the polling.

Q. Explain the nature of the relationship between caste and class in India.

A.         According to some scholars, the caste system is essentially a class system. It was essentially so in the early formative years. The classes were: Rajanyas or the Kshatriyas, the aristocracy, the Brahmins, the priests, the Vaishyas, the people at large, mainly peasants and traders, and the Shudras, the service communities. There are various theories about the origin of the system. Some believe that the system was created by the Divine Power for maintaining harmony in society. While others believe that the system has been evolved in course of time with the development of

economic surplus thus came into existence with economic divisions.

             A number of village studies of different parts of the country

carried out in the post-independent period show a correlation between twin hierarchies of caste and land. The village community consisted of hierarchical groups, each with its own rights, duties, and privileges. The caste at the top had power and privileges, which were denied to the lower castes. The lower castes were tenants,

servants, landless laborers, debtors and clients of the higher castes." Data from two Tamilnadu villages in the late 'seventies show that 59 percent of Mudaliyars (upper castes) and 4 percent of Palli (untouchable castes) are rich peasants or landlord households. A study of six Rajasthan villages carried out by K.L.Sharma in the

'seventies offers a similar pattern' where the majority of landowners belong to upper caste.

              The Anthropological Survey of India in its Project on "People of India" has studied 4635 communities/castes. The study confirms that the highly placed castes are marked by -

(i)  a higher position in the regional social and ritual hierarchy,

(ii) better control over land and other resources, and

(iii) non-commercial relations with other communities of inferior status

                The low castes are placed at the bottom due to their :

(i) abject poverty caused by less possession of the land and less control over economic resources

(ii) social and ritual degradation based on the notion of purity and pollution, and

(iii) traditional engagement in occupations which are considered ritually unclean

              Aggregate data at regional and national levels on caste and occupation\land holding or class give us a similar picture. According to data collected by the National Sample Survey (NSS) in 1952, there is a positive relationship between caste and occupational status. The small and marginal farmers. and agricultural laborers mainly belong to the low or backward castes and ex-untouchable (scheduled) castes while the reverse is true for upper castes and their landholdings. However, one should not ignore that a small proportion of lower and scheduled caste households are rich peasants who hire labor and produce a marketable surplus. Similarly, according to the NSS data, I percent of the upper castes and 12 percent of the middle castes are agricultural laborers. Moreover, it may also be noted that there are a few upper castes in some parts of the country whose majority members do not belong to the upper class.

            Though the upper castes try to maintain their higher status,

the middle and lower castes have successfully tried to change their status. Having improved their economic condition, a dominant section of some of the low castes, including the groups, which were at one time treated as untouchables, imitated customs and norms of the upper castes residing in their vicinity. Sociologists call this process as Sanskritisation. One also comes across instances of some castes or even individuals who have succeeded in improving their status even without adhering to the norms and rituals of the upper castes. Acquiring political authority facilitates not only the power holder - ruler - but also his extended family to enjoy a higher social status in the caste hierarchy. One can cite instances in history, which show that Shudras and Ati-Shudras having the occupying position of power have acquired the status of Kshatriyas

even without following the path of Sanskritisation.

Q. Discuss the nature of the relationship between elections and social change.

A.     The whole process of elections has politically awakened society by making people aware of their rights & hence deepening democracy. Large scale participation of the people and the entry of the groups like Dalits and OBCs into the electoral processes made India more democratic. Reservation of seats for the SCs, the STs at all levels of the legislative bodies - national, state and the local, and with the passage of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments has enabled even the women and the OBCs to get elected to the seats reserved for them in the village panchayats & municipalities. These sections have not only been elected to various legislative bodies but have become the Chief Ministers, ministers, and the President of the country. However, women's entry has not been a smooth process. In fact, in a large number of cases, especially in the village panchayats, the women elected members are the proxies of male members of their families.

             One negative outcome due to elections on the society is a large number of elected representatives have a criminal background or have criminal cases registered against them reaching the assemblies. One major shortcoming of the electoral process which is exploited by anti-social elements is, those who do not possess the resources, have no connections with the criminals, etc., find it difficult to contest elections. Generally, the candidates are given tickets by the political parties on the considerations whether the candidates can muster the support of numerically larger castes and communities and possesses enough resources. Even the electorates

vote on the caste and communal lines. 

              The relationship between the politicians and criminals exists in the elections at all levels parliamentary, state legislative

assemblies and councils, and panchayats and municipalities. Such nexus increased since the 1990s. This is a reflection of erosion in the credibility of democratic values. Because of the decisive role of the crime, caste, communalism, and corruption, the real problems of the people - law and order, development- health, education, basic needs of the people are relegated to the secondary position. Though these issues are also raised by the politicians in every election, it is mainly done as rhetoric.

Q.   Discuss the role of caste in Indian politics.

A.  The numerical strength of a group is important in a democratic polity. All the castes do not have equal numerical strength and spread in a geographical region - village, the cluster of villages, taluka or district. A few are very large, some are small and some are minuscule. Some are concentrated in a village taluka and some are scattered in four to five households in a village. Numerically large castes have an edge over others in political bargaining with the government and political parties. Castes confined to endogamous character alone cannot muster a very large number of followers at district levels and beyond for political activities. Some of the leaders of such castes form caste associations called Sabha or Sangam consisting of a cluster of castes having similar social ranking in the society in a region.

                Caste associations make representation to the government

demanding educational facilities, better distribution of resources, subsidies, government jobs, etc. for their caste members. Some of them submit memoranda or organize public meetings demanding infrastructure facilities like irrigation, electricity, loan, and subsidy for fertilizer for agriculture development. There are instances when

Several castes join together and launch movements for recognition of their demands. Non-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are the examples. Jyotirao Pliule started Satyashodhak Samaj in 1873 challenging Brahminical hegemony.

                  Broadly there are three consequences of such interaction between caste associations & political parties. One, caste members particularly poor and marginalized who were till now remained untouched by the political processes got politicized and began to participate in electoral politics with an expectation that their interests would be served. Second, caste members get split among various political parties weakening the hold of the caste. Third numerically large castes get representation in decision-making bodies and strength of the traditionally dominant castes get

weaken. This explains the rise of middle and backward caste representations in most of the state assemblies.

             The role of caste in elections has two dimensions. One is of the parties and candidates and the second is of the voters. The former seeks the support of the voters projecting themselves as champions of particular social and economic interests, the latter while exercising their vote in favor of one party or candidate believe they would benefit from it. Political parties accommodate certain castes in distributing party tickets. While nominating candidates parties take into consideration caste of the aspirant candidate and numerical strength of different castes in a constituency. Caste leaders also mobilized their followers on caste lines so that they could show their strength which is vital in the political process. Though there is a trend among the caste members to vote for a particular party, there is never a complete en bloc caste

voting. Some castes identify with a particular party as their party. It was expected that it would protect their interests. Forex. Jats in Western UP identified Lok Dal as their party just not only because the leaders of the party were the Jats, but also the party raised the issues concerning the peasants.

Q. Discuss the major issues before the Women's movement in India.

A. Communalism and Casteism

            The women’s organization was the first to raise demands for uniform civil code so that women cannot be subdued & tortured by religious dictums & caste obligations. They demanded exactly the same law for all women of India- whatever may be their caste or religion. They wanted the implementation of UCC throughout the territory of India. After partition, wom.org in India raised their voice against communalism, casteism & patriarchal oppression and started getting members from all religious groups, though the Hindu and the Dalits were many more in number. Communalism and casteism have taken a horribly violent and ugly form ever since

the carving out of the country on communal lines. Intolerance towards the lower castes and of the religious and racial minorities has increased by leaps and bounds across the country but mobilization among women in protest and self-defense has also become stronger and wider. 

            The women’s group exerted pressure on successive govt. both at the center and in states towards their demands for enacting laws to protect the honor and provide equality to women irrespective of religion or caste. The other modes of oppression, related to and born out of patriarchy and the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few, have also motivated the

women’s movement in India.

Daily Encounters with Oppression

i) Against Alcohol - 

Bhil women were the first known to have raised their voice against the alcohol menace by breaking liquor pots in 1972. Alcoholism is understood by women and the men who fight for women’s cause, as a major cause behind wife-beating and family violence. The increasing impoverishment of a family is also mainly because of man’s income being wasted on alcohol addiction. That is why all women’s bodies take up alcohol as a major issue, apart from dowry and sexual abuse.

ii) Against Dowry -

The progressive Organization of women in Hyderabad was the first to organize a powerful movement against dowry in 1975. It used to attract more than 2000 men and women in their demonstrations and the anger slowly spread to other states like Maharashtra, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and even to as far as Punjab and Bengal. But the movement took deep and permanent roots in and around Delhi as the problem was gruesome in this cultural belt. Mahila Dakshata Samiti was the pioneer body in Delhi in this regard.

iii) Against Sexual Abuse - Rape and other forms of sexual abuse are the most common and frequent crimes against women. Apart from rapes within the family, women also face exploitation at workplaces. The agitation against rape, for the first time, started against police rape. Due to concerted efforts by civil society and

women, society has pressurized the govt to enact stringent laws against rape.

Social Issues - Women’s organizations are concerned with matters relating to women's rights under the constitution and issues of women's socio-economic conditions, health and violence perpetrated against them. Over the years the W.O has taken up cases of violence, torture, and harassment of women(including

molestation, rape, dowry-related violence, custodial rape and death, torture and harassment within the family or in the workplace. The women’s O is also involved in issues of women's legal and political rights. They r vociferously raising the issue to provide 33% reservation to women in legislative bodies.

Environment protection -

From the beginning of human existence, women were at the forefront as food gatherers and food providers; and therefore, women are the worst affected as a result of environmental degradation and indiscriminate exploitation of Nature. That is why women’s movement has been most powerful with regard to the conservation of Nature. It started with women breaking forest laws in pre-independence India. Chipko and Narmada Bachao movements are good examples in this regard in Independent India.

Q. Describe some major movements by women.

A. Telangana Movement

Women’s participation was significant in the Telangana movement for land and related Economic-political rights. Though the leadership was with men, the movement could have died early if not for the strong and sustained motivation of the women. It started against the injustices for the British Raj (1941) and continued

against the continuation of the injustices even under their own government (till 1952).

Bodh Gaya Movement

Another landmark movement for land, i.e., livelihood, or economic rights “by” women were the forceful acquisition of the ‘Patta’ by the peasant women, who had collected from in and around Bodh Gaya (Bihar). The men were not putting in enough effort or resources into the land due to drinking and other bad habits. The

unexpected success became a terrific inspiration for all united efforts by women. But, the success here was unique and exceptional; in most other cases success was not in their fate, and Bihar continues to be one of the top States in social injustice and

oppression of women. Dalit women’s movement It will not be wrong to say that the Dalit women got first organized by a self-taught Dalit couple, the Phule's, in Maharashtra. They (Phule couples) can also be called one of the founders of the movement for women’s rights in the 19th Century. At present, Janvadi Mahila Samiti is the strongest supporter of this movement. The Dalit women felt the need to organize themselves separately, both from their men and the other women, mainly because of two reasons:

(i) Dalit men, however, oppressed themselves, do not stop oppressing their own women; and 

(ii) The non-Dalit women, however sincere, fail to comprehend the ‘double’ oppression that a Dalit woman invariably suffers. Adivasi Women’s Movement. 

                 In the North Cachhar hills of Nagaland, Gudiallo, affectionately called ‘Rani’, became famous for her role in the civil disobedience movement. She got involved at a very early age of 13, inspired by her male cousin Jadonang, who was active in mobilizing the villagers against British govt in Manipur. In 1931-32, Gudiallo led a ‘no tax’ the campaign, having taken over the reins of leadership from her cousin brother who was hanged by the British. These villagers stopped paying the taxes and started refusing to work as forced labor for the British.

BPSE - 212

7th Part
Block-5

Q. What are the basic characteristics of the dominant party System

A. 1.  The party system during the first two decades after independence was termed as the Single Dominant Party system. It was a multi-party system where the ruling party played an overwhelmingly dominant role. Although a number of other political parties existed and operated politically, yet the central space of politics was occupied by the Indian National Congress only. The dominance of the Congress was determined by its immense organizational strength as well as its capability to capture a large number of seats both in the Union Parliament and the state legislatures.

2. The dominance of Congress as the ruling party did not mean the absence of competition. The numerous parties in opposition provided competition. Yet, such competition did not result in effectively challenging the dominant position of the ruling party. In electoral terms, it implied that although a number of opposition parties entered the electoral arena none of them singly or in combination could secure the substantial number of seats to replace the Congress as the ruling party. These parties were fragmented and poorly represented in the Union and the state legislatures.

3.  Due to their inability to provide an alternative to the ruling party or even to challenge its position of dominance, the opposition parties did not play the traditional role of opposition. On the contrary, their role was limited to that of constantly pressurizing, criticizing the ruling party. The parties in opposition, therefore, operated as the parties of pressure.

4. One of the important features of the Congress party that helped it to sustain its position of dominance was its capacity to represent divergent social groups and interests. As it drew its support from different sections of society, it played the role of a great umbrella party. During the nationalist movement, it had absorbed people with diverse backgrounds and ideology and had stressed the need for their unity within the party. It had therefore assumed the character of a broad coalition. After the independence period, it continued to absorb the dominant social elements and groups that helped it to maintain its unchallenged position of power. Through its accommodative and adaptive politics, it could curb the role and relevance of opposition.

5.  Being a political party representing diverse interests and ideologies, the Congress had a number of factions. Of these, some were relatively more dominant and played an important role in the decision making of the party. Others were the dissident factions. Several of these factions of the Congress were also ideologically closer to some of the opposition parties. The reason for this being, that almost each of the party in opposition had been a part of the Congress at one time or the other and while choosing to form an independent party outside it, had left a faction of similar ideological orientation within it. Therefore, there always remained a connection between the politics of Congress and that of the opposition parties. This made it possible for the opposition parties to put pressure on Congress and influence its decision making.

6.  The party system, therefore, worked on the basis of a consensual model. Ideological divisions within the Congress or outside were blurred during this period.

Q. Describe the Centrality of Congress.

A. Due to the dominant position of the Congress party in the political arena, it was known to be the Central institution of Indian politics. The Centrality of Congress was reflected at various levels:

i)  At one level, the central space of politics was occupied by the Indian National Congress. The dominance of the Congress was determined by its immense organizational strength as well as its capability to capture a large number of seats both in the Union Parliament and the state legislatures.

ii)  At another level, the important features of the Congress party that helped it to sustain its position of dominance was its capacity to represent divergent social groups and interests. As it drew its support from different sections of society, it played the role of a great umbrella party.

iii)  At the third level, the centrality of the Congress was reflected in its ideological standpoint. Through its accommodative and adaptive politics, it could curb the role and relevance of opposition. Being an umbrella party it had space for all kinds of ideological groups.

Q. What was the impact of the electoral politics based on the principle of Universal Adult Franchise on the politics of India?

A.  The major impact was the political mobilization of masses as well as the emergence of new political classes. Frequently held elections increased the political consciousness of the mass of Indians, especially those belonging to the backward and lower castes. The emergence of the new political classes was directly related to the rise of the rich peasant class in rural India who benefited immensely due to land reforms. By the beginning of the seventies, the land-owning socially dominant sections belonging mainly to the backward castes had attained sufficient economic

strength to demand a share in political power. The entry of these economically sound backward castes into the power politics had far-reaching consequences for Indian politics.

        Firstly, there was an increase in the number of people aspiring for a share in power. The domination of the traditional political elite was seriously challenged.

       Secondly, these new entrants did not share the political ideas of the traditional elite. They had not only different demands and different expectations from the political system but they also used a different political language. This newly emerged classes posed a serious threat to the traditional political elite in general and that of the Congress, in particular. Unable to integrate and balance varied interests, Congress was dislocated from its position of centrality.

The changed scenario of politics was also the result of the assertion of the lower castes that had become politically conscious. In the politics of numbers, the numerically strong lower castes and Dalits were brought into Politics. 

         Initially, they were used and served the interests of the traditional elite. But as the lower castes and Dalits started acquiring a more autonomous role in politics and became politically conscious this led to the formation of new parties based on aspirations and interests of Dalits and backward class. Formation of the BSP, Samajwadi Party, and Janta Dal are examples of such political formations. These parties clearly reflected the interest of the Dalits and the Backward Castes.

Q. Describe the basic characteristics of the party system in India.

A. 1) The party system as it is operating at present is based upon the multiplicity of political parties. As the influence of Congress declined, since 1989, there has been a definite increase in the number of political parties entering the political arena. Numerous regional and small parties have filled in the vacuum created by the

Congress. The strength of the major national parties has been decreasing and that of the smaller parties has been increasing. The composition of Parliament since 1989 is a reflection of the changed party scenario.

2) The kind of party system that is available at present is not hegemonic but competitive with sufficient scope for alternation. However, due to the inability of any single party to attain the majority, the alternation takes place not between the individual parties but between the groups of political parties.

3) The compulsion of the electoral mathematics and the requirement of coalition governments have resulted in the politics of alliance. Alliance takes place among a number of political parties that come together for contesting elections and forming the government.

4) The politics of alliance has had a number of consequences for the nature of party politics. The competitive political space has been widened with a greater number of political parties having a bearing on power politics. Rather than one party hegemonizing power (as in case of pre-1967 level of politics), or even two or three parties making serious claims on political power, there are a number of political parties that enter the political arena. As part of the one or the other alliance structure, these numerous political parties have a serious stake in the process of elections and in the formation of the government. Politics of alliance, therefore, has its direct consequence on the nature of government. Governance

is based upon a wider dispersal of power among the alliance partners.

5) The nature of the alliance has also transformed. Rather than the alliances formed after the election, now there is almost the accepted practice of having pre-poll alliances. Initially, alliances were amorphous with members having come together without ally common objectives, except the one related to power. But of late, there has been some kind of effort at drawing some common minimum program acceptable to all partners of the alliance.

6)  Acceptance of common program among the alliance partners does not necessarily mean that the alliance partners share a common ideology. Ideological cohesiveness, in fact, does not characterize the nature of the alliance. The ideological position of the parties that come forward to join an alliance, at times, is quite

paradoxical. To secure political power ideologically dissimilar parties to form an alliance.

7)  The politics of alliance has led to the polarisation of politics. In the initial years, such polarization took the shape of three alliance structures. Political parties, in the period after 1989 seemed to be organizing themselves around three poles, one led by the Congress, the second led by the BJP and the Third, which was termed as the

Third Front/United Front. The third pole was later weakened. Comprising of Janta Dal, Telugu Desam, the Left Parties and many other regional and state parties, it had been successful in forming the government in 1989 but it could not sustain either its unity or its political strength for a long time. It was very soon fragmented and its number in the Parliament was substantially reduced. Many of the parties representing the Third Front regrouped around the Congress or the BJP. The way alliances have been formed in the last few Parliamentary elections, there has emerged a bi-polarity. The Congress and the BJP are the two parties around which varied political parties have been grouped in recent elections.

8)  The contemporary party system is a reflection of the complexity and the heterogeneity that prevails with the Indian society. It is a representation of the diversity of political interests and opinions. It also reflects the wider reach of the participatory politics that has politicized diverse groups and articulated their political voice. This extensive nature of politicization as resulted in an accommodative

nature of party politics. The power politics is no more dominated by the big and hegemonic parties. On the contrary, there is sufficient importance for smaller parties. As partners in multiparty governance, these small parties have developed their bargaining power. That is the reason that these parties not only share power but also get a voice in political decision-making. As representatives of diverse groups including those who have been hitherto excluded from power politics and minorities, these smaller parties also help create more democratic political space.

9)  Thus there is a greater federalized context of the party system. This federalized context has been provided by the complex relationship between the national and the regional party system and signifies the assertion of the in India regional parties, on the other. In the -past two decades, a number of regional parties with their focus on regional demands have emerged. These regional parties, besides occupying significant political space at the state level are also playing a crucial role in central politics. It is due to their active presence at the national level of politics, that the party system is really acquiring a federal character. As the national parties are dependent upon the regional parties for the formation of the government, the latter have increased their bargaining power. As a result, there has been mainstreaming of regional parties. The distinction that existed earlier between the regional and the national party has also been blurred. The National parties have become regional in character and the regional parties are increasingly participatory in national politics and thereby acquiring national stature.

10)   As the 'national' parties are acquiring regional character, the regional parties are playing an important role in setting the national agenda. Importantly, the regional demands are being forcefully voiced in the national space of Indian politics. Earlier, this was not possible because the regional demands were placed in opposition to the national demands, and therefore, were considered as a threat to national unity. With the entry of the regional parties at the national level of politics, this is no more the case.

11)  This has important implications for the Indian federal structure. With the shift from the single-centered dominant party system to a multi-party system with a lot of space for smaller parties located in the states, there is also a definite shift in the center-state relations. The emerging party system has an essential component of the partnership between the national, regional and state-level parties. There is, therefore, a basis for a more egalitarian relationship between the center and the states. Party system itself is providing the institutional set up for the representation of the interest of the states. Many of the regional parties that are playing an important role in party politics have been demanding a reorganization of the center-state relationship with greater autonomy for the states. With their ascendancy, there has developed greater sensitivity towards the regional issues and there has emerged greater consensus on federalism. Even those national parties that have been traditionally favoring a strong center have been forced to accept the logic of federalism.

Q.  Factors that led to the growth of regional parties.

A.  The factors that give rise to regional parties may be cultural, economic and political. India is a multilingual, multi-religious and multi-ethnic country. A regional party is limited to a geographical region that may cover a state or a couple of states. The there main objective is to defend and preserve the religious-cultural identity of a region. They also raise the issue of neglect of a region which causes its economic backwardness. The cultural minorities may harbor the fear of being absorbed in the majority culture and losing their distinct identity. A desire to maintain this cultural distinctness has been at the roots of the regional movements led by the Dravida

Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the Akali Dal, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and the AGP. The realization that the developmental needs of any region have been ignored for a long time may also give birth to regionalism and regional parties.                     Politically, the regional parties may be seen as a movement against centralization and in tune with the spirit of a true federation.

The emergence of the new political classes was directly related to

the rise of the new peasant class in rural India in the backdrop of the land reforms in different regions. By the beginning of the seventies, the land-owning socially dominant sections belonging mainly to the backward castes had attained sufficient economic strength to demand a share in political power. The entry of these castes into the competitive power politics had far-reaching consequences for Indian politics. 

           Firstly, there was an increase in the number of those aspiring for a share in power. The domination of the traditional political elite, therefore, was seriously challenged.

          Secondly, these new entrants did not share India with the political blues of the traditional elite. They had not only different demands and different expectations from the political system but they also used a different political language. This had the effect of posing a serious threat to the consensual politics of the traditional

political elite in general and that of the Congress, in particular. Unable to integrate and balance varied interests, Congress was dislocated from its position of centrality and resulted in the emergence of many regional parties.

Q. Compare the ideologies and social base of Congress & BJP.

A. Congress -

Ideology - The Congress Party has been committed to socialism, secularism, and democracy. It introduced the democratic socialism model of the economy in India was the major industries and infrastructure like ports, roads, electricity, dams, mining, banking, insurance, etc were all under the state control or under public sector units.

           The private sector was also given state patronage(elaborate).  The party stood for the rural and urban land ceiling. It was against the monopolies and also favored medium and small industries. At the Avadi session in 1956, Congress proclaimed its commitment to the socialistic pattern of society. Continuing with its belief in 1971

election the Congress gave the slogan of Garibi Hatao (remove poverty). Even the 20 -point program under emergency had a strong socialistic component. In the 1980s Congress shifted to the right. The 1984 manifesto did not mention socialism or the need for curbing monopolies. The 1989 election manifesto, Congress

stressed to empower people through the Panchayati Raj system .                   ln1999, the Congress election manifesto advocated the need of a capitalist economy integrated with the world capitalist system. It also favored the abolition of public monopolies except in the fields of defense and encouragement to the private sector. It reaffirmed its commitment to secularism and strengthening Panchayati Raj Institutions. It also promised to double expenditure on poverty alleviation. In foreign policy, the party has stood for

the Non- Alignment.

The Social Base - After independence, the Congress Party won three general elections without much of a challenge. This was because of the support it enjoyed among rural and u!ban, educated and uneducated, upper caste and lower caste, rich and poor almost all over the country. It was the shift of the middle caste votes,

especially from the latter half of the 1960s onwards, away from Congress that led to its losing elections in many states. The main support base of Congress has been the upper caste more particularly the Brahmins, Scheduled Castes and the Muslims.

BJP -

Ideology - Ideologically the BJP is committed to five principles- nationalism and national integration, democracy, positive secularism, Gandhian socialism, and value-based politics. The party rejects both capitalism and socialism because they promote the concentration of economic powers either in the hands of private individuals or state officials. In 1984 the party manifesto laid stress on the development of both agriculture and industry. It also emphasized the reduction of taxes and the introduction of an employment guarantee Program and recognition of the right to work as a fundamental right. In 1996 the BJP kept repeating its commitment to the swadeshi economy but it actually appropriated the Congress (1)'s slogan of liberalization. The BJP has accepted the principle of justice to all by agreeing to the reservation on caste lines. It promises a 33% reservation to women in parliament and state assemblies.

Social Base -

'The BJP, like its predecessor the Bharatiya Jana Sangha, has enjoyed a support base in the Hindi belt. It also has a strong presence in Gujarat and Maharashtra. Since 1989 the party has been trying to penetrate into south India. BJP's traditional support base was among upper castes, small and medium traders and shopkeepers. Among minorities, it gets votes largely from the Sikhs. It is mainly seen as a Hindu Party. From the 1990s, its base has broadened in rural and urban areas, and among the larger numbers of social groups.